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VOL. 21 



Group I. 

Foundations of the Nation 

Vol. I European Background of American 
History, by Edward Potts Chey- 
ney, A.M., Prof. Hist. Univ. of Pa. 

" 2 Basis of American History, by 
Livingston Farrand, M.D., Prof. 
Anthropology^ Coliunbia Univ. 

" 3 Spainin America, by Edward Gay- 
lord Bourne, Ph.D., Prof. Hist. 
Yale Univ. 

** 4 England in America, by Lyon Gar- 
diner Tyler, LL.D., President 
William and Mary College. 

" 5 Colonial Self - Government, by 
Charles McLean Andrews, Ph.D., 
Prof. Hist. Johns Hopkins Univ. 

Group II. 

Transformation into a Nation 

Vol. 6 Provincial America, by Evarts 
Boutell Greene, Ph.D., Prof. Hist, 
and Dean of College, Univ. of 111. 
" 7 France in America, by Reuben 
Gold Thwaites, LL.D., Sec. Wis- 
consin State Hist. Soe. 

Vol. 8 Preliminaries of the Revolution, 
by George Elliott Howard, Ph.D., 
Prof, Hist. Univ. of Nebraska. 
** 9 The American Revolution, by- 
Claude Halstead Van Tyne, Ph.D., 

" lo The Confederation and the Consti- 
tution, by Andrew Cunningham 
McLaughlin, A.M., Head Prof. 
Hist. Univ. of Chicago. 

Development of the Nation 

Vol. II The Federalist System, by John 
Spencer Bassett, Ph.D., Prof. 
Am. Hist. Smith College. 

" 12 The Jeffersonian System, by Ed- 
ward Channing, Ph.D., Prof. Hist. 
Harvard Univ. 

" 13 Rise of American Nationality, by 
Kendric Charles Babcock, Ph.D., 
Pres. Univ. of Arizona. 

'* 14 Rise of the New West, by Freder- 
ick Jackson Turner, Ph.D., Prof. 
Am. Hist. Univ. of Wisconsin. 

*V 15 Jacksonian Democracy, by Will- 
iam MacDonald, LL.D., Prof. 
Hist. Brown Univ. 

Group IV. 

Trial op Nationality 

Vol. 16 Slavery and Abolition, by Albert 
Bushnell Hart, LL.D., Prof. Hist. 
Harvard Univ. 

Group III. 

Vol. 17 Westward Extension, by George 
Pierce Garrison, Ph.D., Prof. 
Hist. Univ. of Texas. 

*' 18 Parties and Slavery, by Theodore 
Clarke Smith, Ph.D., Prof. Am. 
Hist. Williams College. 

*' 19 Causes of the Civil War, by Admiral 
French Ensor Chadwick, U.S.N., 
recent Pres. of Naval War Col. 

" 20 The Appeal to Arms, by James 
Kendall Hosmer, LL.D., recent 
Librarian Alinneapolis Pub. Lib. 

" 21 Outcome of the Civil War, by 
James Kendall Hosmer, LL.D., re- 
cent Lib. Minneapolis Pub. Lib. 

Group V. 
National Expansion 
Vol. 22 Reconstruction, Political and Eco- 
nomic, by William Archibald Dun- 
ning, Ph.D., Prof. Hist, and Pohti- 
cal Philosoph}^ Columbia Univ. 

" 23 National Development, bv Edwin 
Erie Sparks, Ph.D., Prof. Hist. 
Univ. of Chicago. 

" 24 National Problems, by Davis R. 
Dewey, Ph.D., Professor of Eco- 
nomics, Mass. Inst, of Technology. 

" 25 America the World Power, by 
John H. Latane, Ph.D., Prof. 
Hist. Washington and Lee Univ. 

" 26 Ideals of American Government, 
by Albert Bushnell Hart, LL.D., 
Prof. Hist. Har^'ard Univ. 

*' 27 Index to the Series, by David 
May dole Matteson, A.M., Harvard 
College Library. 


The Massachusetts Historical Society 

Charles Francis Adams, LL.D., President 
Samuel A. Green, M.D., Vice-President 
James Ford Rhodes, LL.D., 2d Vice-President 
Edward Channing, Ph.D., Prof. History Harvard 

Worthington C. Ford, Chief of Division of MSS. 
Library of Congress 

The Wisconsin Historical Society 

Reuben G. Thwaites, LL.D., Secretary and Super- 

Frederick J. Turner, Ph.D., Prof, of American His- 
tory Wisconsin University 

James D. Butler, LL.D., formerly Prof. Wisconsin 

William W. Wight, President 

Henry E. Legler, Curator 

The Virginia Historical Society 

William Gordon McCabe, Litt.D., President 

Lyon G. Tyler, LL.D., Pres. of William and Mary 

Judge David C. Richardson 
J. A. C. Chandler, Professor Richmond College 
Edward Wilson James 

The Texas Historical Society 

Judge John Henninger Reagan, President 
George P. Garrison, Ph.D., Prof, of History Uni- 
versity of Texas 
Judge C. W. Raines 
Judge Zachary T. Fullmore 










man inst 

JUL I919I8 


Copyright, 1907, by Harper & Brothers. 



V. 7- 1 



Editor's Introduction xi 

Author's Preface xiii 

I. Military Law and War Finance (1863) . 3 

II. The Chickamauga Campaign (August, 1863- 

September, 1863) 23 

III. Chattanooga and Knoxville (September, 

1863-December, 1863) 41 

IV. Life in War-Time North and South (1863) 57 

V. Concentration under Grant (December, 

1863- April, 1864) 72 

VI. On to Richmond (May, 1864- June, 1864) . . 86 

VII. The Atlanta Campaign (May, 1864- August, 

1864) 106 

VIII. Attempts at Reconstruction (1863-1864) . 123 

IX. Lincoln's Second Election (1864) .... 145 

X. The Confederacy on the Sea (1861-1864) . 163 

XI. Sheridan in the Valley (July, 1864-February, 

1865) 186 

XII. Sherman's March to the Sea (September, 

1864- December, 1864) 201 

XIII. Preparations for Readjustment of the 

States (September, 1864-March, 1865) . 218 

XIV. Military Severities (1864-1865) .... 232 



XV. Spirit of the North (1864-1865) . . . 249 

XVI. Spirit of the South (1864-1865) .... 269 

XVII. Downfall of the Confederacy (April, 1865) 290 

XVIII. Critical Essay on Authorities 307 


Seat of War in the West (1861-1865) (in 

colors) facing 24 

Chattanooga Campaign (1863) ro/o7'5) . . " 42 
Seat of War in the East (1861-1865) (in 

colors) " 74 

Washington and Its Surroundings (1861- 

1865) 88 

Georgia Campaigns (1863-1864) " 108 

Gulf Campaigns (i 863-1865) (in colors) . . " 168 

Shenandoah Valley (1861-1865) " 188 

Seat of War in the South (1861-1865) (in 

colors) 204 

Neighborhood of Richmond ** 292 




ALTHOUGH independent in field and arrange- 
L ment, this volume is a continuation of the same 
author's Appeal to Arms {American Nation, XX.), 
taking up the story at the crisis of midsummer, 
1863, and carrying it forward to the cessation of 
hostilities in April, 1865. The political conditions 
from which the war came about and the objects for 
which the contest was waged are set forth in the 
previous volume, and in greater detail in Chad- 
wick, Causes of the Civil War {American Nation, 
XIX.). The readjustment after the war is the 
subject of Dunning, Reconstruction, Political and 
Economic {American Nation, XXII.). 

Interwoven with the narrative of military opera- 
tions during 1863 are two chapters upon internal 
conditions: chapter i. on military law and war 
finance, and chapter iv. on life in war time. The 
remarkable campaigns on the Tennessee River in the 
second half of 1863 are described in chapters ii. and 
iii. Chapters v. and vi. are devoted to the re- 
organization of the eastern armies under Grant, 
and the terrible Virginia campaign of 1864. In 
chapter vii. the western campaign of that year is 



followed out from Chattanooga to Atlanta. The 
breathing space at the end of 1864, is utilized for 
a narrative of attempts at reconstruction (chapter 
vii.) and the presidential election of 1864 (chapter 
ix.). In chapter x. the blockade and naval cam- 
paigns during 1863 and 1864 are described. Chap- 
ters xi. and xii. are devoted to Sheridan's valley 
campaign and Sherman's march to the sea ; chapters 
xiii. and xiv. to the renewal of plans of recon- 
struction, and to the vexed question of military 
severities both in the field and in the prisons. 
Chapters xv. and xvi. describe the life and ex- 
periences of non-combatants, North and South, in 
the last stages of the war. In chapter xvii. the 
last military campaigns appear. Chapter xviii. 
upon authorities includes a serviceable account of 
the official publications relating to the Civil War. 

The purpose of the volimie is not only to describe 
military movements and to characterize military 
commanders, but also to picture the Civil War as a 
national experience, in which public men, governing 
bodies, and the whole people on both sides, were in- 
tensely engaged. The war appears in its proper 
setting, as a contest, not between armies or govern- 
ments, but between two social systems made up at 
bottom of the same kind of people, having the same 
traditions, and capable of reconstitution into one 


AS the Civil War approaches its end, the in- 
L terest deepens rather than diminishes. To the 
student of the mihtary art much more is offered 
worthy of attention than during the early period. 
On the side of the North, by relentless sifting the 
men come to the front who through natural en- 
dowment and painful training are adequate to the 
work to be done : on the side of the South the leaders, 
though the same as at the beginning, exhibit a 
developed power, and sway more absolutely the 
men and the resources committed to their direction. 
Campaigns, no longer ill-ordered and fortuitous, 
become examples of practised soldiership; while 
battles illustrate the struggle of opposing intellects, 
and are no longer a mere exchange of blows. 

As a drama, the Civil War takes on as it proceeds, 
shadows new and ever gloomier. On both sides, 
the devotedness of the generation concerned, the 
sacrifice of comfort, of resources, of life, to what is 
believed to be the public good, becomes always more 
unusual and impressive. At last the combatants 
are locked in a struggle so intense and desperate 
that human strength and endurance can go no 



further. Here are the elements of colossal, all- 
absorbing tragedy. 

For the most part, the battles described have 
been studied on the fields where they took place; 
the strategy of the generals, while traversing the 
lines of movement of the contending armies. Much 
has been gained from the stories of participants 
North and South, in stations high and low ; while the 
author's own recollections tend to make definite 
the details of the picture. The present volume, like 
its predecessor, has been for the most part written 
in the Library of Congress, at Washington, and I 
desire to repeat here the acknowledgment of obliga- 
tion already made to the accomplished staff of that 
institution for their politeness and skilled assistance. 

James K. Hosmer. 

January lo, 1907. 





IN 1863 "the Fourth of July became trebly famous — 
no longer the nation's birthday merely, but the 
day also when through the fall of Vicksburg and 
the retreat of Lee from Gettysburg the preserva- 
tion of the nation grew likely. It was, indeed, high 
time that, for the well-being of the Union, such a 
day should dawn. During the spring the signs 
were very unfavorable ; that the war was likely soon 
to take the North for its arena, as well as the South, 
was plainly indicated. Every Federal disaster made 
more numerous and more outspoken the advocates 
of peace at any price. A bitter war of words broke 
out, and in many places in the North seemed about 
to pass into a war of weapons. Disaffection was 
more acute and audacious in the West than in the 
East, though not more deep-seated. Friends of the 
South, looking on from Canada, believed a con- 


federacy of the Northwest to be close at hand, which, 
when formed, would be hostile to the Lincoln govern- 
ment and ready to join hands with Jefferson Davis. 

While in Indiana and Illinois the spirit of revolt 
abotmded, its focus was in Ohio, where Clement 
L. Vallandigham, a bold and fluent irreconcilable, 
fomented the popular inflammation/ He had talked 
in opposition in Congress with no uncertain sound; 
on the stump he was still less restrained ; and when 
Burnside, as commander of the department, issued 
a certain "Order No. 38," which in terms imusual- 
ly plain forbade treasonable utterances, Vallandig- 
ham burst out with exceeding vehemence. On 
May I, at Mount Vernon, in southern Ohio, a mass- 
meeting was held, the character of w^hich was not 
concealed. The head of the Goddess of Liberty on 
the old-fashioned copper cent was cut out, and dis- 
played generally as a badge upon the coat-lapel — 
a ''copper-head." Many speakers of note were 
heard, among them vSamuel S. Cox (better known 
as "Sunset" Cox), a man of brilliant gifts; but the 
voice of most authority was that of Vallandigham, 
who passed all previous bounds. Within a few feet 
of him stood officers of Burnside, in civilian dress, 
noting down the orator's sentences. He said "that 
it was not the intention of those in power to effect 
a restoration of the Union; that the government 
had rejected every overture of peace from the South, 

* See A7n. Annual Cyclop., 1863, art. Habeas Corpus, for a 
good digest of contemporary accounts. 


and every proposition of mediation from Europe; 
that the war was for the liberation of the blacks 
and the enslavement of the whites; that General 
Order No. 38 was a base usurpation of arbitrary 
power; that he despised it and spat upon it, and 
trampled it under his feet; that people did not de- 
serve to be freemen who would submit to the 
conscription law. He called the president ''King 
Lincoln," and advised that at the ballot-box he 
should be ''hurled from his throne." Among the 
cheers that followed, some one shouted that ''Jeff 
Davis was a gentleman, which was more than Lin- 
coln was." 

A few days later, a company of soldiers took Val- 
landigham out of bed at his home in Dayton, 
Ohio, and conveyed him to Cincinnati, where forth- 
with was held a court-martial, presided over by 
General Robert B. Potter. No part of American 
liberty has been more jealously regarded than free- 
dom of speech ; had it come to such a pass in America 
that a man could no longer say what he chose ? And 
if called to account, was it proper that the orator 
delivering his criticism in a part of the country not 
the seat of war should be seized by soldiers and 
tried by a court-martial? Justification for Burn- 
side's proceeding might be sought in Lincoln's 
proclamation of September 24, 1862, which de- 
clared that "During the existing insurrection, and 
as a necessary measure to suppressing the same, all 
rebels and insurgents, their aiders and abettors, 


within the United States, and all persons discour- 
aging voluntary enlistments, resisting militia drafts, 
or guilty of any disloyal practice affording aid and 
comfort to rebels against the authority of the United 
States, shall be subject to martial law, and liable 
to trial and punishment by courts martial, or mili- 
tary commissions." ^ 

This was certainly very definite; but the presi- 
dent's right to issue such a proclamation was grave- 
ly questioned, in particular by B. R. Curtis, who 
had been justice of the Supreme Court ;^ moreover, 
it had been superseded by an act of Congress of 
March 3, 1863, signed by the president, according 
to which the proceeding of Burnside was quite too 
summary.^ Conceding that the arrest of Vallan- 
digham was permissible (certainly in the arbitrary 
arrests which had taken place there was abundant 
precedent), the statute of March 3, 1863, made it 
necessary that the secretary of war should report 
the arrest to the Federal judge of that district; and 
if the grand jury found no indictment against him 
as giving aid and comfort to the enemy, the dis- 
charge of the prisoner was proper. In fact, the 
act of Burnside was an overstepping of his powers, 
which the administration should have discounte- 
nanced. In this crisis Lincoln showed vacillation. 
When, a few weeks later, Burnside suppressed the 

* Lincoln, Works (ed. of 1894), II., 239. 

^B. R. Curtis, Jr., Life and Writings of B.R. Curtis, II., 306 
et seq. ^ U. S. Statutes at Large, XII., 755. 


Chicago Times, for an offence similar to that of 
Vallandigham's, the president, under the pressure of 
such good friends of his as Lyman Trumbull and 
Isaac N. Arnold, and others, discountenanced the 
proceeding. The trial of Vallandigham, May 11, 
1863, was after Chancellor sville and before Gettys- 
burg and Vicksburg, when the Union cause seemed 
on the verge of ruin ; and the mistaken prosecution 
appeared about to precipitate a catastrophe. 

At the court-martial, Vallandigham denied the 
right of such a court to judge him, since he was a 
member neither of the army nor navy. He pro- 
duced witnesses, among them ''Sunset" Cox, who 
testified that he had said nothing treasonable, 
though criticising the government severely. Un- 
successful application for a writ of habeas corpus 
was made to Federal Judge H. H. Leavitt, a War 
Democrat, an appointee of Andrew Jackson. The 
prisoner was duly found guilty and condemned to 
Fort Warren, a sentence which Lincoln commuted 
to banishment beyond the Federal lines into the 

To the sorrow over Fredericksburg and the new 
occasion for lamentation from Chancellorsville was 
now added such a cry of indignation at the alleged 
infringement of constitutional liberty that the tu- 
mult became appalling. In every quarter the peace 
party mustered so formidably that to make head 

^ For a discussion of the legal and constitutional aspects, see 
Rhodes, United States, IV., 245 et seq. 


against it began to seem desperate. Mass-meetings 
poured out wrath in every part of the North; of 
especial note, among such demonstrations, were a 
series of conventions, one in Ohio, held June 11, 
by the friends of Vallandigham ; one at Spring- 
field, Illinois, the president's home; and one at 
Albany, New York, the ruling spirit of which was 
Governor Horatio Seymour. Of the three, proba- 
bly the latter was the demonstration most threat- 
ening to the administration. Through dignity of 
character and high social position, the influence of 
Seymour was powerful. Lincoln had tried to win 
him over, but an interesting correspondence was the 
only result. The governor stood, with all whom he 
could sway, in angry opposition. Nor was the rage 
of the malcontents expressed in words alone. Val- 
landigham, who soon escaped from the South on 
a blockade-runner, and appeared at Niagara Falls, 
within a short distance of his constituents, was 
nominated by acclamation for governor by the 
peace party of Ohio,^ who pushed the canvass with 
great vigor. 

The enrolment and conscription act of March 3, 
1863,^ the execution of which was pressed by Gen- 
eral James B. Fry, provost - marshal - general, met 
with wide disfavor. Forced enlistments seemed con- 
trary to the spirit of American institutions. A pro- 
vision intended to mitigate the situation, whereby on 

^ Am. Anntial Cyclop., 1863, ^rt. Ohio. 
2 U. S. Statutes at Large, XII., 731. 


payment of three hundred dollars a man drafted might 
purchase exemption, was interpreted to be a shielding 
of the rich, while the poor were left to suffer. The 
draft was met by scowls, which in many places de- 
veloped into armed resistance. In particular, there 
began in the city of New York, July ii, 1863, ^ 
which exceeded in violence anything of the kind ever 
known in America. For several days the city was 
in the hands of a mob, who burned, pillaged, and 
murdered to an extent that suggested the excesses 
of the French Revolution. In the height of the 
trouble the conduct of prominent Democrats was dis- 
couraging and ominous. Archbishop Hughes seem- 
ed disposed to palliate the outrages, while Governor 
Seymour addressed a ttimultuous assembly as his 
''friends." It was then asserted by Seymour that 
as many as a thousand lives, all told, were lost, an 
overestimate, possibly; but the number was large 
— unresisting negroes, men, women, and children, 
being especial objects of attack.^ 

Success came to the Federal arms in the nick of 
time. The New York riots occurred within less 
than a week of the fall of Port Hudson, which opened 
the Mississippi; Lee still stood threatening north of 
the Potomac; but great victories had been won, 
and were powerful in changing the face of things. A 
demonstration from troops, fvirloughed after Gettys- 
burg, sufficed to put down the New York mob, 
though only by stern fightitig. In Ohio, John 
^ Am. Annual Cyclop., 1863, p. 811 et seq. 


Brou^h, a sturdy War Democrat, took the field 
against Vallandigham, who in due time was 
"snowed under" by a majority of 101,000. New 
York also went Republican. In Pennsylvania, 
Andrew G. Curtin was triumphantly sustained; far 
and wide Union men plucked up heart and rallied 
about the administration.^ 

In all this crisis nothing is better worth noting 
than the bearing of Lincoln. If he tripped, it was 
only for a moment; he was intrepid, good-natured, 
ready with a reply in every emergency, and judged 
each case with sense and strength. He had mis- 
givings as to Burnside's course with Vallandigham ; 
but he stood by his agent, and parried the remon- 
strances as they came with tact and logic. "Must 
I shoot a simple-minded soldier-boy who deserts, 
while I must not touch a hair of a wily agitator 
who induces him to desert? This is not the less 
injurious when effected by getting a father, brother, 
or friend into a public meeting, and there working 
upon his feelings until he is persuaded to write 
the soldier-boy that he is fighting in a bad cause 
for a wicked administration of a contemptible gov- 
ernment, too weak to arrest and punish him if he 
shall desert. I think that in such a case to silence 
the agitator and save the boy is not only constitu- 
tional, but, withal, a great mercy." 

Stating his conviction that arbitrary measures, 
under ordinary circumstances harsh or unconstitu- 
* Am. Annual Cyclop., arts. Ohio, New York, Pennsylvania, etc. 


tional, may be justified in the stress of a rebellion 
or invasion, the president scouts the idea that the 
people may become indifferent to arbitrary meas- 
ures or perverted into a preference for such a polity. 
He cannot believe it, ''any more than I am able to 
believe that a man could contract so strong a taste 
for emetics during a temporary illness, as to insist 
upon feeding upon them during the remainder of 
his healthful life." ' 

Lincoln's frank admission to the Albany remon- 
strants is interesting: "And yet let me say that 
in my own discretion I do not know whether I 
would have ordered the arrest of Mr. Vallandigham. 
While I cannot shift the responsibility from myself, 
I hold that as a general rule, the commander in the 
field is the better judge of the necessity in any par- 
ticular case. ... It gave me pain when I learned that 
Mr. Vallandigham had been arrested ; . . . and it will 
afford me great pleasure to discharge him as soon as 
I can by any means believe the public safety will * 
not suffer by it. . . . Still I must continue to do so 
much as may seem to be required by the public 
safety. "2 

By way of counter-stroke to the earlier Copper- 
head mass-meeting at Springfield, Illinois, the sup- 
porters of the administration gathered at the same 
place, at the beginning of September, in still greater 
numbers. Lincoln was urged to be present, and 
might have effected much by his presence. In our 

^ Lincoln, Works (ed. of 1894), II., 349-351. ^ Ibid., 351. 


day, when the rear platform of the special train has 
become such a fulcrum of influence, and the presi- 
dent can place himself in distant New Orleans, 
Chicago, or San Francisco, while scarcely taking his 
hand from the Washington helm, an oratorical jour- 
ney to Springfield w^ould be easy. In 1863 "the presi- 
dent felt that he could not leave his post. He 
wrote a letter, however, August 26, which perhaps 
did as well as a speech. It was an arrow shaped 
with beauty and grace, the finish of the shaft, how- 
ever, not interfering with the keenness of the point 
or its unerring aim. One passage runs: ''The signs 
look better. The Father of Waters again goes un- 
vexed to the sea. Thanks to the great North- 
west for it. Nor yet wholly to them. Three hun- 
dred miles up they met New England, Empire, Key- 
stone, and Jersey, hewing their way right and left. 
The sunny South too, in more colors than one, also 
lent a hand. On the spot their history was jotted 
down in black and white. The job was a great 
national one, and let none be banned who bore an 
honorable part in it. . . . Nor must Uncle Sam's web- 
feet be forgotten. At all the watery margins they 
have been present. Thanks to all. For the great 
Republic, for the principle it lives by and keeps alive, 
for man's vast future, — thanks for all! Peace does 
not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come 
soon, and come to stay. And there will be some 
black men w^ho can remember that with silent 
tongue^ clenched teeth, steady eye and well-poised 


bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great 
consiimmation ; while I fear there will be some white 
ones tmable to forget that with malignant heart 
and deceitful speech they strove to hinder it." ^ 

The signs looked better, as Lincoln said. The 
North was growing to the weight of sword and shield 
in the enemy's front, and learning also to manage 
the financial burden, good care of which was as 
necessary to successful warfare as first-rate soldier- 
ship. To be sure, there was a perilous prevalence 
of the greenback. The irredeemable paper money 
which Chase had so reluctantly brought himself to 
favor, and which all wise men, following our better 
traditions, had looked upon with misgivings, came 
in like a flood ; but it was a device which men thought 
inevitable in a great crisis. The act of February 
25, 1862, authorizing the issue of $150,000,000, was 
followed by acts of July 11, 1862, and of March 3, 
1863, each act authorizing large amounts.^ Dur- 
ing the years of war there were outstanding, of legal- 
tenders, in 1861-1862, $96,620,000; in 1862-1863, 
$387,644,000; in 1863-1864, $431,179,000; in 1864- 
1865, $432,687,000. It should always be remembered 
to Chase's credit that he put forth this issue with 
hesitation, and that later, when chief-justice, he 
confessed he had committed an error. ^ 

^ Lincoln, Works (ed. of 1894), II., 398. 

2 U. S. Statutes at Large, XII., 345, 532, 710. 

3 Hart, Chase, 436; cf. Hosmer, Appeal to Arms {Am. Nation, 
XX.), 64, 167, 249; see also 12 Wallace, 576. 


While paper mone^T- thus worked balefully, other 
financial expedients which the enterprising secre- 
tary^ and Congress had set on foot by the summer 
and fall of 1863 began to make impression. First, 
by an act approved March 3, 1863, "the treasury 
had been authorized to contract loans of much 
greater volume than heretofore. Upon the second 
great loan, authorized February 25, 1862, for $500,- 
000,000, Chase secured two limitations which proved 
harmful — namely, that the interest should be only 
six per cent, and should be payable in gold; with 
interest so low the bonds would not sell at par on a 
specie basis ; the price of his bonds was depressed to 
par in greenbacks, the fact that legal-tenders were 
convertible into bonds also having an influence. 
As regards the loan of March 3, 1863, Chase was 
not able to borrow anything like the amount author- 
ized, but his work was successful and beneficent.* 
With the help of Jay Cooke & Co., he invited sub- 
scriptions in all quarters and from all classes, the 
securities being of such denominations that people 
of small means could take them, as well as capi- 
talists. These were rapidly accepted, "coupon- 
bonds" becoming not only a hoard in every great 
financial institution, but a familiar possession in 
many households. An immense sum presently 
passed into this form of wealth, the favorite se- 
curities being the "five- twenties," the bonds whose 
holders could enforce their redemption in twenty 
* Hart, Chase, 243, 288. 


years, while the government could, if it chose, 
pay them after five years, the bonds meantime 
yielding an interest of six per cent, in gold, pay- 
able semiannually. Within two months after the 
adjournment of Congress, on March 3, 1863, the 
great deficit which had confronted it the preced- 
ing December quite disappeared. The soldiers were 
paid, and all necessary requisitions satisfied. More 
important than an3rthing else, since the people thus 
showed their confidence in the triumph of the Union, 
and gave up their savings to its keeping, they proved 
their determination to sink or swim with it, commit- 
ting themselves to its fortunes as never before. 

The second vital financial measure, for direct 
taxation and internal revenue,^ entered upon with 
many fears because counter to cherished Ameri- 
can traditions, was received with few murmurs and 
soon yielded a large sum. George S. Bout well, of 
Massachusetts, was made commissioner. The act 
was several times amended, and its operation at 
first was somewhat embarrassed, but its success 
increased year by year till, in 1866, the yield from 
this source was nearly three hundred and eleven 
millions. The country was divided into districts, 
corresponding generally with the congressional dis- 
tricts, in each of which were appointed an assessor 
and collector armed with adequate power for in- 
spection and seizure. From domestic manufactures 
and productions, especially distilled spirits and fer- 
* Act of July I, 1862, U. S. Statutes at Large, XII., 432. 


mented liquors, came the largest revenue. Tobacco 
was heavily taxed, but wool and cotton fabrics, 
boots and shoes, hardware, petroleum, everything 
into or over which passes human handiwork, paid 
its proportion. The well-to-do were assessed on 
their incomes; professions and branches of business 
in general could not be carried on without a license ; 
and no formal paper — contract, receipt, check, or 
proprietary label — was valid without a stamp. ^ The 
country soon adapted itself good-naturedly to the 
situation, and among the perplexed shapers of the 
government policy the regret was general that the 
result could not have been foreseen and direct tax- 
ation applied more fully to the exigency rather than 
the irredeemable paper. 

The third great gain to our financial well-being 
was a measure which, in the summer and fall of 1863, 
began first to find favor, though proposed by Chase 
in his first formal report as secretary of the treasury. 
This scheme, for a time neglected, but finally accept- 
ed, created a system of national banks. The popular 
loans and heavy taxes were temporary expedients; 
but the national-bank system was destined to super- 
sede the old state banks, affording to the United 
States a system uniform, cheap, convenient, and 
as stable as the government itself. For this great 
achievement the credit belongs mainly to Chase,^ 
and may be regarded as the supreme service he ren- 

* Schouler, United States, VI., 386. 
2 Hart, Chase, 274 et seq. 


dered to his country. During the winter session of 
1 862-1 863 the plan was freely debated, Eldridge G. 
Spaulding and Samuel Hooper, in the House, and 
John Sherman, in the Senate, sustaining the secre- 
tary's recommendation. February 25, 1863, the bill 
became a law, passing the Senate by a bare majority 
of two, and almost as narrowly escaping defeat in 
the House. ^ Lincoln signed it gladly, and it went 
into operation forthwith, receiving later amend-' 
ments as experience showed them necessary. The 
act provided for the charter of national banks under 
the supervision of a new officer of the treasury, the 
comptroller. One-third of their capital must be in 
United States bonds; and against the deposit of 
bonds in the treasury, as a reserve, the comptroller 
prepared for each bank circulating notes to the 
amount of nine-tenths of the deposit. By an act of 
1865, on recommendation of Secretary Fessenden, a 
tax of ten per cent, was levied on the circulation of 
state banks, so that many of them hastened to 
put themselves under the national arrangement.^ 
The benefits of the scheme to the country have been 
immense. In 1861 there were over sixteen hundred 
state banks, scattered ever3rwhere, varying infi- 
nitely as to solvency and as to wisdom of manage- 
ment.^ While the banks of New York and New 

* U. S. Statutes at Large, XII., 665; John Sherman, RecolleC' 
tions, 231; Blaine, Twenty Years, I., 478. 

2 Dewey, Financial Hist, of the U. S., 328. 

3 Blaine, Twenty Years, I., 645. 

VOL. XXI. — 2 


England in good part maintained high credit, and 
some western states had legislated wisely, many 
banks were "wild-cat," practically unwatched in 
their transactions, and unpunished if they swindled. 
Bank-bills varied infinitely, and no expert was skil- 
ful enough to detect counterfeits. High rates of 
exchange prevailed, bills rarely passing at par ex- 
cept in their own locality. The confusion and loss 
were grave. 

The new system brought order and security in 
money matters; but beyond that it knit the people 
to the government by a strong tie. The loans of 
currency to the banks from the treasury were part 
of the national indebtedness; hence every citizen 
became vitally concerned in the security and wel- 
fare of the Union. While in 1863 but sixty-six 
national banks were organized, the number rapidly 
grew. In 1864 there were five hundred and eight; 
a year later one thousand five hundred and seventy- 
three;^ nor would it be possible to say, after forty 
years, to how large an extent the progress and wel- 
fare of the country has been due to this sagacious 

While in the North there was a peace party, some- 
times very vigorous, the South showed no toleration 
of any party or individual who opposed the war. 
W^here such opposition was manifested, as in eastern 
Tennessee, it was straightway met by force of arms, 
the offenders being regarded no less as enemies than 
^ Blaine, Twenty Years, I., 644. 


those who came from the North. As to finance, in 
the early part of 1863 the southern leaders had no 
anxiety about the outcome: their victories were 
overwhelming; intervention seemed certain; at the 
breaking of the blockade, which could not be far 
off, their accumulations of cotton, transferred to the 
French and English mills, so long idle, would at once 
make the Confederacy rich. To anticipate this pros- 
perity, before the first year of the war had ended 
the government was irretrievably committed to a 
paper-money policy.^ 

As to Confederate taxation, some money came 
in through the small customs duties. During 1863 
a tithe of the agricultural products was exacted, 
which for a time yielded much, a month's supply of 
food for a million men coming in ; but it was every- 
where unpopular, and in North Carolina was rebelled, 
against. April 24, 1863, was passed the Internal 
Revenue Act of the Confederacy, from which, by 
the end of 1864, about five million dollars in specie 
value was obtained, apparently all a tax "in kind." ^ 

Nor was there any large resort to bonds. In 
January, 1863, Emil Erlanger, a European financier, 
appeared in Richmond to negotiate a loan of fifteen 
million dollars, to be placed abroad.^ It was au- 
thorized January 29, and proved successful to all 
but the unhappy subscribers. It was taken up 

^ Schwab, Confederate States, chap. ii. 

^ Ibid., 291 et seq.; for act, see C. S. A. Statutes at Large, i 
Cong., 3 Sess., 115. ^ Ibid., 30 et seq. 


at 90, in great part in England. Erlanger & Co. 
made out of it a handsome sum; the Confederacy 
received about six milHon dollars, which was mostly 
spent in Europe; the subscribers lost ten million 
dollars, the bonds sinking ever lower after the Union 
victories, military and diplomatic, to final worth- 
lessness. Professor Schwab believes this sum de- 
rived from the Erlanger loan, with fifteen million 
dollars derived from an earlier loan, taken by the 
southern banks, and the proceeds of seizures of 
United States funds and the customs duties, about 
five million five hundred thousand dollars (perhaps 
twenty-seven million dollars in all) , to have been the 
entire amount of specie in the hands of the Rich- 
mond government during the war.^ 

The Confederacy was practically supported by 
paper money and from the proceeds of bonds 
purchased with paper money and paying interest in 
scrip. The people preferred notes to bonds, because 
the former circulated. Before the end of 1863, 
seven hundred million dollars in notes was in circu- 
lation, which sum in 1864 became a billion and 
more. Possibly the treasury itself had no definite 
knowledge of the amount afloat.^ States, cities, 
banks — indeed, tradesmen, tobacconists, grocers, 
barbers — issued notes, these a fractional currency 
largely. February 17, 1864, the Confederate con- 
gress passed an act virtually repudiating earlier is- 

^ Schwab, Confederate States, 43. 
2 Rhodes, United States, V., 344. 


sues of paper money. A scheme of compulsory 
funding was put in operation, recalling expedients 
of the American and French revolutions ; holders of 
notes might exchange them for four-per-cent. bonds ; 
an alternative for exchange into bonds was to re- 
ceive new notes at a ratio of two to three; if the 
holder took neither the bonds nor the new notes, he 
must lose heavily, for by a provision of the act the 
old notes were to be taxed out of existence/ 

A vivid picture of the ''Time when Money was 
Easy" is given by George Gary Eggleston; the ir- 
redeemable paper fell ever lower, until it became 
scarcely an exaggeration to say that the house- 
holder must take his money to market in his basket 
and bring his purchases home in his pocket-book.^ 
The funding act was a confession of bankruptcy on 
the part of the government. The resource of the 
produce loan was exhausted before the beginning of 
1863. United States money became readily cur- 
rent, an incident so ominous that, February 6, 1864, 
an act was passed to prohibit its circulation.^ Re- 
course was had to barter; and at the end of 1864 
Kirby Smith wrote that only specie payments or 
barter prevailed in business in the trans-Mississippi.^ 
The evidence is conclusive, remarks Schwab, ''that 

^ C. S. A. Statutes at Large, i Cong., 4 Sess., 205; cf. Schwab, 
Confederate States, 64. 

^ Eggleston, A Rebel's Recollections, chap. iv. 

^ C. S. A. Statutes at Large, i Cong., 4 Sess., 183; also Schwab, 
Confederate States, 161. 

* Rhodes, United States, V., 347. 


at last public expenses were met, like those of a 
bankrupt corporation, by creating a huge floating 
debt represented by large arrears, four or five hun- 
dred million in the war department, and accimiu- 
lated unpaid warrants in the Treasury."^ 

* Schwab, Confederate States, 83. 


(August, i863-September, 1863) 

THE over - sanguine, who imagined after Vicks- 
burg and Gettysburg that the South would now 
submit and that peace was in sight, were soon unde- 
ceived. From various parts of the wide arena came 
signs that the spirit of resistance was unbroken 
and the habit of victory not yet lost. During the 
closing acts of the Mississippi and Pennsylvania 
dramas, John H. Morgan, the bold raider, making 
his way with twenty-five hundred men from Ten- 
nessee through Kentucky, crossed the Ohio at 
Brandenburg, and entered upon a terrifying in- 
vasion of Indiana and Ohio. There were no trained 
troops at hand to oppose him; he passed rapidly 
from village to village, despatching companies right 
and left to create uncertainty as to his movements, 
replacing his horses as they gave out with fresh 
ones seized within the country, and taking booty 
as he chose in the well-to-do communities which 
he traversed. His troopers galloped long unhanned, 
the expedition apparently being a glorious "lark" 
for the youths who for the most part made up the 


force.* But when, passing through the northern 
suburbs of Cincinnati, they pressed eastward, their 
career became disastrous. Had Lee carried Ceme- 
tery Hill, things, no doubt, would have been different 
with them ; as it was, towards the end of July most 
of them were captured on the upper Ohio and con- 
signed, with their leader, to Federal prisons.^ 

A much graver affair than this brisk and futile 
adventure was the renewed attempt of the navy, in 
the same month, to reduce Charleston. After the 
failure in April, General Quincy A. Gillmore succeed- 
ed to the place of Hunter, and Admiral Dahlgren to 
that of Dupont. Both new commanders were brave 
and capable men, the former an engineer of marked 
ability. Nevertheless, their efforts were no more 
successful than those of their predecessors; Beaure- 
gard was still at hand, and his defence was as suc- 
cessful as before.^ July 18 an assault on Fort 
Wagner, on Morris Island, a low-lying waste of sand 
at the mouth of the harbor, was beaten back, a 
pathetic incident of the event being the decimation, 
at the head of the charging column, of the Fifty- 
fourth Massachusetts, colored, the high-souled young 
colonel, Robert G. Shaw, falling at the front. The 
"swamp-angel," a powerful cannon planted with 
much skill in a morass, hurled its balls five miles 
into the streets of Charleston; and converging bat- 

* Duke, Morgan's Cavalry, 437. 

^War Records, Serial No. 34, pp. 632-817 (Morgan's Ohio 
Raid). ^ Roman, Beauregard, chap, xxxij. 



teries from ship and shore reduced Fort Sumter to 
a heap of ruins. Neither city nor fortress fell be- 
fore the assailants, however, until the last days of 
the war/ 

Towards Tennessee, as the summer closed, all eyes 
began to turn. While the armies on the Missis- 
sippi and Potomac, w^est and east, were struggling 
so memorably, Rosecrans in the centre, with the 
Army of the Cimiberland, was lying inactive at Mur- 
freesboro. Though nearly six months had passed 
since Stone's River, no blow had been dealt. Rose- 
crans, whom Cox saw in April, 1861, quarrelling 
at Camp Dennison over the flooring of the tents, ^ 
though now a man of note, preserved the same char- 
acteristics. Though full of amiable traits, his short- 
comings were marked,^ none more so than a quick- 
ness of temper that burst out on occasions both 
slight and grave. He was constantly WTangling 
with Lincoln, Stanton, and Halleck. To their ur- 
gency that he should be active, he always com- 
plained that something was wrong that should be 
righted at Washington. If left to himself, he very 
probably would have struck during the spring; but 
under pressure he braced himself the other w^ay, 
and lay idle even when his own judgment would 
have led him to act. Towards those below him his 
testiness, even to his generals, was equally manifest. 

* War Records, Serial No. 46 (Operations at Charleston, June 
to December, 1863). 

2 Cox, Military Reminiscences, I., 24. ^ Ibid., 513. 


A tentful of privates with their candles alight after 
taps would hear the fiat of the general's sword on 
the canvas in token of displeasure, an exhibition 
which made him sometimes the victim of practical 
jokes. ^ Nevertheless, from Lincoln down through 
the rank and file, Rosecrans brought out affection, 
and none doubted that he was, in spite of his fail- 
ings, a brave and able leader. 

The stress at Vicksburg having caused Johnston 
to draw off a strong detachment from Bragg, that 
he might make head against Grant, a fine chance 
was offered Rosecrans to strike a blow at his weak- 
ened adversary. He started out, June 24, 1863, 
responding at last to the urgency from Washington, 
yet still protesting; but the campaign upon which 
he entered was conducted with the most satisfactory 
energy and skill. The weather, which through the 
spring and early summer had been favorable, changed 
to storms, through which Rosecrans drove on in his 
movements unremittingly. Feinting with his left 
while striking with his right, with faultless strategy 
he forced Bragg out of southern and central Ten- 
nessee, without a battle, bringing to naught the 
long labors by which Bragg had constructed at and 
near Tullahoma a series of strongholds.^ 

Chattanooga now lay not far off, the door into 
east Tennessee, which Lincoln was so eager to re- 

' Cox, Military Reminiscences, I., 127. 

2 War Records, Serial No. 34, pp. 399-627 (Tullahoma Cam- 




lieve, and also the point commanding, above all 
others, the Confederate commtmications east, west, 
and south. Would not Rosecrans follow up his 
success by seizing Chattanooga? But here came 
more weeks of inaction, of chronic dispute with 
Washington — angry demands which Halleck began 
to find intolerable; there must be more men, horses, 
mules, supplies; communications must be made 
secure; other departments must co-operate. Stan- 
ton scrutinized keenly, sending a sharp-eyed agent, 
Charles A. Dana, to report upon the spot; the pa- 
tience of the president was sorely tried. But by 
August 16 Rosecrans was again in motion, and so 
effectively that some regard the resulting campaign 
as the masterpiece of strategy during the Civil War.^ 
A disaster to the Confederacy scarcely less great 
than those of July appeared imminent, to ward off 
which the Richmond government brought to bear 
all its resources.^ 

To study for a moment the situation, Burnside at 
Cincinnati, after his work in quelling northern dis- 
affection, was again assigned to the field, his especial 
task being, with the so-called "Army of the Ohio," 
to advance through Cumberland Gap and capture 
Knoxville, the citadel of east Tennessee; which he 
accomplished, September 3, with no severe fighting. 

* Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, VIII., 71; Cist, Army 
of tlie Cumberland, 174. 

^ War Records, Serial No. 50, pp. 3-107 1 (Chickamauga Cam- 


From here Burnside was expected to reach a hand 
to Rosecrans, in the midst of the remarkable move- 
ment against Chattanooga. From Tullahoma, his 
conquest of June, and the posts adjacent, Rosecrans 
had pushed through the barrier of the Cumberland 
Mountains, and stood .with his three corps, the 
Fourteenth, Thomas; the Twentieth, McCook; and 
the Twenty-first, Crittenden — not far from the Ten- 
nessee, a broad and deep stream, across which all 
bridges had been destroyed, protecting Chattanooga, 
where stood Bragg strongly fortified. 

Like Rosecrans, Bragg, though unquestionably 
meritorious, had, as time went on, hardly made good 
his title to a high command. Fremantle, the in- 
telligent British officer who traversed the Con- 
federacy during the spring and early summer of 
1863, portrays him as thin, sallow-faced, with 
bushy eyebrows meeting in a tuft over the nose, 
and keen, dark eyes.^ General Taylor's order at 
Buena Vista: "A little more grape. Captain Bragg," 
had made his name more familiar, perhaps, before 
the Civil War, than that of any other southern 
leader; Davis held him in high regard; Johnston, 
who after Murfreesboro had been charged to investi- 
gate him, saw no reason for his removal ; ^ but he 
had not at all won his subordinates — Polk, Hardee, 
D. H. Hill, and now Longstreet — who held him to be 
unequal to his place. Yet he was still retained, and 

* Fremantle, Three Months in the Southern States, 145. 
^Johnston, Narrative, 162. 



was now very active. There was some excuse for 
his ill-success at Tullahoma, his army having been 
seriously weakened by demands from Vicksburg ; but 
now he was largely reinforced. Johnston sent back 
the divisions that had not availed against Grant 
and Sherman; Buckner came down from Knox- 
ville after that city was lost; most important of all, 
Longstreet set out from Virginia with the troops 
who, on Lee's right at Gettysburg, had so nearly 
carried the Round Tops, and, though not yet at 
hand, arrived in time. It was a great loss to Bragg 
that Hardee had been sent farther south, the de- 
fence of Mobile, which Grant appeared to threaten, 
requiring a capable officer. But the Confederacy 
had no better soldiers than remained to Bragg, and 
the front w^hich Rosecrans had to face was very 

The Federal beginning was brilliant.* It was 
natural for Bragg to think that Rosecrans would 
try first to connect with Burnside, strengthened by 
whom his power of offence would be greatly in- 
creased. The eyes of Bragg, therefore, were turned 
especially towards the northeast, over the region in 
which the junction could most conveniently take 
place, a region, too, presenting few difficulties to 
marching armies. This idea Rosecrans encouraged, 
despatching the Twenty-first Corps with much pa- 
rade in that direction, up the Sequatchie Valley. 
But meantime, with Thomas and McCook, the Four- 
^ Battles and Leaders, III., 638 et seq. 


teenth and the Twentieth Corps, he crossed the river 
farther down unopposed, striking out at once tow- 
ards Bragg's communications with Atlanta. To 
hold these unbroken was a vital matter to the Con- 
federates : the loss of Knoxville interrupted the rail- 
road line to Richmond and Virginia, and no route 
remained but a roundabout line via Charleston and 
Columbia, and through Georgia to Chattanooga. 
Thomas and McCook were now in a difficult country- 
crossed by mountain ranges over which the roads 
were few, poor, and quite unmapped. Nevertheless, 
they made such progress that Bragg, in alarm, for- 
sook his fastness, marching quickly southward in 
a movement rashly interpreted to mean retreat; 
whereupon Crittenden, with the Twenty-first Corps, 
promptly crossed the Tennessee from the northern 
side and occupied Chattanooga on September 9. 
This was a great and bloodless conquest, and as a 
piece of strategic work probably deserves all the 
praise it has received, 

Bragg was still further to be reckoned with. Full 
of the idea that his adversary was retreating, Rose- 
crans pushed Thomas and McCook through the 
mountains, hoping to strike his flank on the march 
southward or make hot pursuit on his rear. McCook 
went too far ; or, at all events, the three Federal corps 
became dangerously separated, an interval of three 
difficult marches cutting off the Fourteenth Corps in 
the centre from the Twentieth and Twenty-first on 
either wing. In this situation it suddenly became 



known to Rosecrans that Bragg was not in retreat, 
but had retired a short distance for a purpose, and 
was ready at Chickamauga to try conclusions. Had 
Bragg been a great commander, he might at this 
moment have brought things to a finish. While 
his own force, largely increased, was well in hand, 
the Federal army was badly scattered, and the three 
corps might have been destroyed one by one. This 
time fortune favored Rosecrans, for Bragg did not 
strike. In the respite the hard-marching Federals 
concentrated through a pass, Rossville Gap, over 
which ran the high-road from Chattanooga to 
Lafayette, and by September 18 stood backed by 
Missionary Ridge. In front of the Federal corps, 
after a broad interval of level, flowed Chickamauga 
Creek, in the woods behind which was now gathered 
the army of Bragg. 

McLemore's Cove, in which the hosts were as- 
sembled, was a remote and secluded spot. It had 
been reached through difficult mountain -passes in 
regions sparsely inhabited; rock and forest every- 
where prevailed, with now and then a settler's clear- 
ing. In the cove along the dark stream, bearing 
from some prehistoric slaughter the name Chicka- 
mauga, "river of death," broad meadows intervened 
between the ranges, which here and there had been 
taken up in f anus ; while on the stream was now and 
then a mill. These obscure and distant farms of 
Snodgrass, McAfee, Dyer, Kelly, the Widow Glenn, 
and Lee and Gordon's mills, lying in the September 


sunlight, were about to be lifted into a lurid noto- 
riety. Of the Union army, about fifty-eight thou- 
sand strong, Thomas, with the Fourteenth Corps, oc- 
cupied the left; McCook, with the Twentieth, the 
right; Crittenden holding the Twenty -first in re- 
serve. The army of Bragg, amounting before the 
battle ended to about sixty-six thousand,^ had, at 
the right, Polk; the left as yet awaited its leader. 

Bragg, full of vigor, but impatient and unsyste- 
matic, seized the initiative, his aim being to drive 
back the Federal left, and, capturing Rossville Gap, 
to cut Rosecrans off from Chattanooga. September 
19 was throughout a day of fierce encounters, di- 
visions from either side clashing with alternations 
of fortune. Nothing was decided; but at night 
Bragg had made no substantial progress. The 
strengthened Union left held its own; and Polk, 
who directed the Confederate assaults, found him- 
self no nearer Rossville Gap than before. Yet the 
Federals well understood that the fighting of the 
day was but a preparation for a greater contest. 

That night Bragg received a reinforcement of 
value scarcely calculable, in the arrival of Long- 
street from Virginia, by rail over the long circuit 
through the Carolinas and Georgia. Longstreet, for- 
saking the train, was at once on horseback, riding 
under the "quartering moon" through the wood- 
roads to find Bragg and bring the weight of his 
corps to bear upon the situation. Hurrying thus, 
* Livermore, Numbers and Losses, 105. 



he rode suddenly into a Federal outpost, escaping 
only by adroit management.* Bragg was found at 
last, and the dispositions for the morrow made. 
The right was again confided to Polk, who was ex- 
pected to renew his attacks on the Federal left in 
the early morning. The left now received its leader 
in Longstreet, whose divisions were to wait until, 
by the gradual wheel of the Confederate line towards 
the west and south which Bragg hoped for, the con- 
venient moment should arrive for an onset. 

In the Federal camp neither alacrity nor vigil- 
ance was wanting. As the cannon cooled after the 
volleys of the 19th, Rosecrans gathered his gen- 
erals in council at his headquarters at the Widow 
Glenn's.^ Besides the corps commanders were some 
nine or ten of lower rank. The most interesting 
figure was Thomas, grave, undisturbed, deliberate, 
with a poise like that of Washington. He had 
borne through the day the brunt of Polk's assaults, 
and was physically exhausted. He fell asleep every 
minute, but when roused to give his opinion in- 
variably answered, ''I would strengthen the left." 
The mood of the participants was scarcely as grave 
as at the council after the second day at Gettysburg. 
Thus far there was nothing critical in the Federal 
situation. At the close McCook was called upon for 
a song, to which he responded with the "Hebrew 

* Longstreet, Manassas to Appomattox, 438. 
' Described by Dana in his Recollections, 113. 

VOL. XXI. — 3 


At the dawn of September 20 Bragg was listening 
eagerly for sounds from his right, where Polk was 
expected to be at work betimes, and he subsequent- 
ly brought accusations of neglect against that lieu- 
tenant ; ^ but it is far easier to believe the statement 
of Polk, that the conditions made an early move- 
ment impossible. The forenoon was well advanced 
when his line at last charged; and the divisions of 
Breckinridge and Cleburne, directed by D. H. Hill, 
thrown by the general-bishop upon Thomas, made 
an unshrinking onslaught. Thomas had strength- 
ened his front with the rude breastw^orks of earth, 
tree-trunks, and rails which at this stage in the war 
the soldiers of both armies had learned to throw up 
in a few minutes. Rosecrans perhaps went too far 
in following out Thomas's advice of the evening be- 
fore, and in his hot way was depleting his right that 
the left might be sustained; Crittenden, in reserve, 
was practically stripped of his divisions, which were 
hurried off to act under Thomas,^ and McCook's 
line grew thin from the heavy drafts despatched to 
the same point of attack. The forenoon was now 
nearing its end, and nothing had gone wrong; 
though the Federal right was dangerously w^eakened, 
Bragg 's attack was firmly met ; from general to pri- 
vate every man was on the alert. No one knew 
what lay behind the screen of woods before the 
Federal right wing, but probably under ordinary 

^ War Records, Serial No. 51, pp. 33, 47. 
^ Ibid., Serial No. 50, p. 607. 



circumstances Rosecrans could have successfully met 
danger from that quarter. The division at the ex- 
treme right was that of Sheridan, and the other 
commanders were scarcely inferior; there were no 
better men in the Union service. 

Just here came the beginning of a disaster. The 
student of military history will recall how, on Jtme 
1 6, 1 815, the corps of D'Erlon, twenty thousand 
men, by the mistake of an aide-de-camp, was sent 
to w^ander aimlessly between Ouatre-Bras and Ligny, 
so that Ne}^, left short-handed, failed to defeat the 
English; and Napoleon, perplexed, gained only an 
incomplete victory over the Prussians, the upshot of 
all being that two da^^s later the French lost Water- 
loo, which otherwise might perhaps have been won.^ 
A similar stroke of ill-luck now befell Rosecrans. 
An aide of Thomas, passing along the line, thought 
he saw a gap between the divisions of Re^molds and 
Wood, where Brannan's division should have been. 
Brannan, indeed, was in his place, but with his line 
somewhat "refused" and so hidden by brushwood 
as to be not quite apparent. Forthwith the aide 
reported the oversight, and Rosecrans, who well un- 
derstood the necessity of a perfect line in the cir- 
ctimstances, sent at 11 a.m. a hasty order to Wood 
"to close up on Reynolds."^ T. J. Wood, a A^et- 
eran of the old army, one of the best of division- 
commanders, as was proved later on that day, and 

^ Ropes, Campaign of Waterloo, 174, 180, 184. 
2 War Records, Serial No. 50, p. 635. 


on many another, saw plainly that there was a 
mistake. He could not close up on Reynolds with- 
out marching round behind Brannan, an utterly 
idle movement, Vv'^hich would at the same time create 
the gap that Rosecrans was so anxious to avoid. 
Why, then, did not Wood delay, it may well be 
asked, until there could be explanation? As luck 
would have it. Wood had just before been the object 
of an outbreak of temper from Rosecrans, who 
thought him slow in relieving certain troops to be 
detached to the left. Angry himself, from the gen- 
eral's reprimand, Wood was in no mood to risk an- 
other storm. He has been blamed for not delay- 
ing ; ^ instead, with obedience too strict, he at once 
put his troops into motion, opening wide the dreaded 
gap in the line. To make the matter worse, Thomas 
now came up and told Wood that Reynolds did not 
need him, and took the responsibility of despatching 
Wood also to the left.^ 

An incident now ensued in the highest degree 
dramatic. Longstreet, just opposite, was listening 
impatiently, as the forenoon advanced, to the heavy 
battle on his right, eager for the time when, accord- 
ing to Bragg's plan, his turn should come. Learn- 
ing now that, through oversight or discourtesy, his 
divisions were being ordered against the opposing 

* Cist, Army of the Cumberland, 220 et seq. 

^ For criticism on Thomas for stripping McCook and Critten- 
den, see Livermore, Some Federal and Confederate Commanders, 
in the Military Hist. Soc. of Mass., Papers, X., 229. 



enemy by Bragg without notice to him, he at once, 
with faultless tactics, threw into a column, by bri- 
gades, his Gettysburg veterans, with Hood in the 
lead/ Other troops not less brave were in the 
column. With a rush and a roar, the "rebel yell" 
mingling with the crash of the cannon, the column 
burst from its screen, poured through the gap so 
inopportunely left open by Wood, until eight bri- 
gades, the very pick of southern valor, had pierced 
the Federal formations through and through. Dana, 
who was near by, sleeping on the ground after great 
fatigue, was awakened by "the most infernal noise 
I ever heard." He saw Rosecrans, good Catholic 
that he was, crossing himself, and felt that a catas- 
trophe had come.^ The Union line once pierced, 
the assailants swept to the right. Hood had fallen 
dangerously wounded, but there were still good 
leaders, and there was no pause in the attack. 
Thirty minutes earlier Longstreet would have en- 
countered a strong formation; thirty minutes later 
the movement so unfortunately in progress would 
have been concluded, and the Federal line would 
have met him in perfect array. As it was, all at- 
tempt to stay the onset seemed hopeless. In the 
midst of the wreck was Sheridan and plenty more 
as brave, but for a time even their prowess was of 
no avail. The flood of fighters surged towards the 
rear of Thomas, whom at the same time Polk as- 

' Longstreet, Manassas to Appomattox, 447. 
2 Dana, Recollections, 115. 


saulted in front. A sauve qui pent seemed the only 
Federal resource — let every man save himself.^ 

Borne back by the fugitives, Rosecrans and also 
Crittenden and McCook, whose troops had in great 
part gone to strengthen the left, were carried help- 
less into Rossville Gap. The general, feeling pre- 
maturely that all was lost on the field, pursued his 
retreat, with the two corps commanders, to Chatta- 
nooga, to make ready to receive within its fortifi- 
cations the wreck of the army. Arriving at four 
o'clock, after the twelve-mile ride, spent with fatigue 
and anguish of mind, he was lifted from his saddle 
to the ground, and staggered nerveless. It would 
have been better for his fame if, like James A. Gar- 
field, his chief of staff, he had forced his way from 
Rossville Gap back to the field, where, as the af- 
ternoon went forward, came a still louder tumult 
of battle, indicating that Thomas was holding his 

The ''horseshoe " which Thomas made his citadel 
is a rocky hillock rising steeply from the lower level 
before Rossville Gap. Concentrating his troops in 
a convex line around the crest of this hill, gathering 
in fragments from the broken corps to the south- 
ward, till he had in hand quite two-thirds of the 
army, with Baird, Palmer, Davis, Negley, Van Cleve, 
Reynolds, Brannan, and the too-obedient Wood, he 
refused to flee. Gordon Granger, posted in the 
morning as a reserve, marched without orders to 

* Thrust on, in Southern Bivouac, V., 412 (December, 1886). 



the sound of the cannon, bringing a reinforcement 
of four thousand men. Against this ''rock of 
Chickamauga," through the afternoon, the army of 
Bragg vainly dashed itself, till the dead lay in a 
wide-curving heap about the base of the horseshoe 
as the sun fell aslant. The general rode at a mod- 
erate pace just behind the line, with cool, encourag- 
ing words. The formation admitted of easy rein- 
forcement, across the horseshoe, as now one point, 
now another, was threatened. The position was 
held till nightfall, when Thomas withdrew. In Ross- 
ville Gap, as the darkness gathered, two wearied, 
dust-covered horsemen met and dismounted. In 
the angle of a fence, the younger, taking a rail from 
the top, thrust it across the angle lower down for a 
seat.^ Here the elder sank down in deep exhaus- 
tion, the younger at his side : they were Thomas and 
Sheridan. The latter had seen two-fifths of his 
command fall that day, among them two of his 
three brigadiers. He had been long without sleep 
or food. The wasted divisions lay about them ex- 
hausted like the generals. There was no pursuit; 
the foe were equally spent. Next day the wrecked 
army in a toilsome march fell back to Chattanooga, 
Sheridan with a remnant guarding the rear of the 
Twentieth Corps. From both armies 28,399 were 
left dead or wounded upon the field, of whom 
16,986 were Confederates. The Federals lost near- 
ly 5000 prisoners, against some 1500 on the other 

^ Sheridan, Personal Memoirs, I., 284. 


side.* Nevertheless, neither army was destroyed; 
clearly neither had gained the object of its cam- 
paign. It was inevitable that another encounter 
must follow the indecisive battle. 

* Livermore, Numbers and Losses, 105. 


(September, i863-December, 1863) 

RANT'S success at Vicksburg brought him 

VJ recognition and deference. One of the first 
exercises of this newly won authority was the dis- 
placement of McClemand, so long to Grant a thorn 
in the flesh. His insubordination at Champion's 
Hill, and a foolish proclamation a few weeks later, 
in which, while arrogating to his own corps un- 
deserved credit, he at the same time slurred his 
comrades of the other corps — a proceeding quite 
unmilitar}'- and intolerable — furnished Grant occa- 
sion for superseding him, action in which the gov- 
ernment acquiesced. In this incident Dana counted 
for much. As special commissioner of the war de- 
partment at headquarters, an important part of his 
duty was to report to Stanton upon the men in re- 
sponsible position. His estimates were so compre- 
hensive as to include not only the chiefs, but even 
the brigadiers and staff-officers — a. body of char- 
acterizations often severe, sometimes not just, but, 
on the whole, full of insight and intelligence, and of 
great help to the administration in selecting proper 


instruments. As to McClernand, Dana's judgment 
coincided with that of Grant, and in his place E. O. 
C. Ord became commander of the Thirteenth Corps. 

Grant's hands, however, were not yet quite free 
to act. He counselled an immediate advance from 
the north upon Mobile, which he believed might be 
easily captured.^ The plan was not approved; but 
Joe Johnston's army was driven back to where it 
could do no harm ; the Thirteenth Corps was detached 
southward to Louisiana, whence parts of it went af- 
terwards to Texas ; a division of the Fifteenth Corps 
under Steele was despatched into Arkansas, and still 
other troops into Mississippi ; the Ninth Corps, sent 
down by Burnside from Cincinnati during the siege, 
was returned to him; with what remained, under 
Sherman and McPherson, Grant lay at Vicksburg 
as the summer closed. 

The defeat at Chickamauga spurred the Federal 
energies into vigorous action. At once the Eleventh 
Corps, Howard, and the Twelfth Corps, Slocum, were 
detached from the Army of the Potomac and sent 
under Hooker to reinforce the defeated Rosecrans. 
Full fifteen thousand men, with their equipments 
and belongings, were in eight days transferred by 
the northern railroads from Virginia to Alabama, 
stepping out upon the western arena the first days of 
October unfatigued and well appointed. This was 
only one of numerous feats of the kind performed 
by the departments of the quartermaster and com- 
^ Grant, Personal Memoirs, I., 484 et seq. 




missary generals, Montgomery C. Meigs and Rufus 
Ingalls, officials in the background, but whose 
mighty service in those years counted powerfully 
towards the successful outcome. 

Burnside, charged with the military occupation 
of east Tennessee through Cumberland Gap, was 
incited to do his best. Grant, too, was instructed to 
report at the earliest possible moment at Cairo. 
Proceeding thither at speed, he was ordered to 
Louisville, and met on the way no less a personage 
than Secretary Stanton himself, who had hurried 
west to concert with him proper measures for the 
crisis. He was assigned at once to the command of 
a new department, that of the Mississippi, compris- 
ing the country west of the Alleghanies, and involv- 
ing the control of not only the Army of the Ten- 
nessee at Vicksburg, but also of the Army of the 
Cumberland and the Army of the Ohio, the latter 
being the force of Burnside. He acquiesced in the 
superseding of Rosecrans, whose military inade- 
quacy had been plain to him since the battles of 
luka and Corinth.^ Rosecrans, also McCook and 
Crittenden, thereupon joined the company, now^ be- 
coming numerous, of commanders found wanting, 
often rather through ill-luck than ill-desert, and 
consigned to shelves more or less honorable, with 
little part thenceforth in the great drama. Thomas 
was made commander of the Army of the Cumber- 
land. No sooner were these dispositions made than 

^ Grant, Personal Memoirs, I., 490. 


they were definitely announced by telegraph. Grant 
at once proceeded to Chattanooga, meeting on the 
way Rosecrans coming north, from w^hom he re- 
ceived excellent suggestions as to a campaign, "if 
he had only carried them out." ^ A day or two 
later he was in Chattanooga, where the situation 
demanded all his power. 

The Army of the Cumberland lay intrenched 
within the town, dependent for its supplies upon 
a single long and imperfect road across the moim- 
tains. The Tennessee, broad and deep, was a bar- 
rier on the north. Just east of the town began 
Bragg's intrenchments, on the river, running thence 
southward along the high crest of Missionary Ridge, 
then westward across the valley to Lookout Ridge, 
there connecting again with the river; the outpost 
here occupied a famous landmark, Lookout Moim- 
tain, which, rising twenty-four hundred feet, domi- 
nates the region far and near. 

Though diminished and disorganized at Chicka- 
mauga, the Army of the Cumberland was by no 
means beaten or discouraged. Two-thirds of it, in- 
deed, had been held by Thomas to gallant work in 
the battle, retiring in good order at last. It is per- 
haps not too much to claim that had Rosecrans 
gone back with Garfield from Rossville to the field, 
and shown the force and fertility that he showed in 
the crisis at Stone's River, a victory might have 
been gained in spite of the rout of the right. The 
* Grant, Personal Memoirs, I., 498. 



Federals in Chattanooga stood quite undismayed 
iinder a leader whom they thoroughly trusted, on 
short rations, to be sure, but cheerfully biding their 
time. Meanwhile, Hooker was already at hand with 
two corps ; and Sherman, who now succeeded to the 
command of the Army of the Tennessee, was ordered, 
September 23, to march with all speed with the 
Fifteenth Corps to Chattanooga, leaving McPherson 
at Vicksburg and Hurlbut at Memphis.^ 

The powerful blow delivered by the Confederacy 
at Chickamauga, though to some extent an offset 
to the Federal successes of the summer, did not 
really balance them, and had a sequence full of 
disappointment to the South. Longstreet believed 
that on the field the tactics of the afternoon of 
September 20 were gravely at fault, and that the 
advantage gained was not properly pushed home.^ 
Chattanooga was only partially invested, whereas, 
in the opinion of this strong commander of the left 
wing, the Federal communications might and should 
have been entirely cut. Fortunately for the Fed- 
erals, the camp of their adversaries was a scene 
of contention, Bragg having no friends among his 
higher officers, and on his part criticising and de- 
nouncing them in unmeasured terms. Polk was re- 
moved from his command; D. H. Hill, too, was now 
forced out of service, not to draw his sword again 
until the last days of the war. Though Hardee was 

* W. T. Sherman, Memoirs, I., 372 et seq. 

2 Longstreet, Manassas to Appomattox, 452, 461 et seq. 


recalled from the South and given Polk's place, his 
relations with Bragg were scarcely more friendly; 
while every line of Longstreet's memoirs implies 
disgust at what he regards as the mismanagement 
of his chief. 

Into this scene of dissension suddenly dropped 
Jefferson Davis, and it is impossible to feel that his 
visit helped his cause. No testimony could shake 
his faith in Bragg, though he was so far moved by 
the general dissatisfaction as to offer the command 
to Longstreet, then to Hardee. Both refused, de- 
pressed with hopelessness as to success under the 
prevailing conditions.^ Longstreet urged that John- 
ston, already in nominal command of the depart- 
ment, should be trusted, stating his own willingness 
to serve under him. When Davis manifested dis- 
pleasure, Longstreet begged to resign. This request 
was refused, and Bragg was retained, with memo- 
rable results. 

John C. Pemberton, captured at Vicksburg, but 
later exchanged, was with Davis at Chattanooga. 
In spite of his strong fight at Champion's Hill and 
his stubborn defence of Vicksburg, he was, on ac- 
count of his northern birth and ill-success, in a high 
degree unpopular. When Davis, therefore, sustain- 
ing Bragg 's action in removing Polk, suggested Pem- 
berton to command the corps, he was met by dis- 
approval, which he was forced to respect, so that 
Hardee was appointed.^ The ineffective invest- 

^ Longstreet, Manassas to Appomattox, 466. ^ Ibid., 469. 




merit with which Bragg's lieutenants were so dis- 
satisfied, but which they were powerless to change, 
soon came to a disastrous end. 

Grant arrived in Chattanooga October 23, find- 
ing that Thomas had omitted nothing that it was 
possible to accomplish/ The intrenchments were 
strong, the army in good spirits, the demoralization 
from Chickamauga a thing of the past. To be sure, 
rations were short, and animals were dying by hun- 
dreds of starvation. A scheme was on foot, how- 
ever, for opening a better and shorter route for 
communicating with the North, planned by an 
able engineer. General W. F. Smith, which Grant at 
once approved and carried out.^ In the operation 
the Army of the Cumberland was well supported 
by the corps of Hooker.^ Longstreet, who held the 
Confederate left, was eluded and beaten back, and 
by the brilliant night capture of Brown's Ferry, a 
well-protected road was opened to the town from 
Bridgeport, which point the railroad reached. In 
the Federal host hope now rose to the highest. They 
lived in plenty ; the corps of the Army of the Potomac 
were good comrades; and now, by Grant's order, 
Sherman was hurrying the Fifteenth Corps from 
Memphis across Tennessee to their relief. 

Bragg now took a most unfortunate step.^ Burn- 

^ Battles and Leaders, III., 679. 

^ War Records, Serial No. 54, pp. 39-234 (Reopening of the 
Tennessee River). ^ Dana, Recollections, 134. 

^War Records, Serial No. 54, pp. 255-550 (Knoxville Cam- 



side, with the newly constituted Army of the Ohio, 
made up of the Ninth and Twenty- third Corps, was ly- 
ing in east Tennessee, making glad, at last, the heart 
of Lincoln by bringing succor to the greatly suffering 
Unionists of that region. At no time in his career 
did Burnside bear himself so well as during this 
campaign/ The man vanquished at Fredericks- 
burg rarely referred to the past; much less did he 
spend time in bewailing misfortunes or in criticism; 
he faced his new work with skill and a manly heart. 
As he approached, Buckner, the Confederate com- 
mander, retired before him, and, as has been noted, 
he occupied Knoxville, September 3. His detach- 
ments spreading thence through the valleys, 'enjoyed 
what to a Federal army was a most unusual expe- 
rience, a warm welcome from the people to whom 
they came. 

During the visit of Jefferson Davis at Chatta- 
nooga, a plan was concerted for a quick disposing of 
Burnside in east Tennessee, by an expedition from 
Bragg's army that should return in time for the new 
battle, which it was now plain the Federals were 
determined upon. For this work Longstreet was 
selected; he showed no reluctance, but insisted 
upon despatch as vital to success. Accordingly, 
Longstreet, with the division of McLaws, and the 
former division of Hood, now under Jenkins, to- 
gether with Wheeler's cavalry, entered early in No- 
vember upon an operation marked with disaster; 
^ Cox, Military Reminiscences, I., 520 et seq. 


while Bragg, meantime, his best troops at a dis- 
tance, was obhged to meet a peril which he had not 
rightly measured. 

Sherman, in answer to Grant's summons, marched 
eastward from Memphis with all the speed possible. 
Going himself in advance of the troops, he narrowly 
escaped capture by raiding cavalry near Corinth.^ 
The Army of the Tennessee at this time performed 
other feats than those of arms : General G. M. Dodge, 
with eight thousand men, making their own tools, 
built railroads, boats, mills, bridges, with an in- 
dustry and skill that repaired in a brief time the 
ravages of war.^ Word soon came from Grant to 
drop all work not bearing directly upon the quick- 
est possible advance to Chattanooga; and, obeying 
to the letter, on November 14, 1863, Sherman rode 
into the threatened town, as usual in advance of his 
divisions. The columns arrived a week later, pre- 
pared for w^ork that was at once assigned them. 

The Confederate line before Chattanooga, except 
on the left, had changed little since the first in- 
vestment immediately after Chickamauga.^ Hardee's 
corps held the right, where at the north Missionary 
Ridge came to an end, with the Tennessee, just be- 
low the jimction with the Chickamiauga, near its 
base. Thence southward to Rossville Gap the line 
followed the crest, which was often narrow, the 

^ W. T, Sherman, Memoirs, I., 379. 

2 Grant, Personal Memoirs, 513 et seq. 

^ War Records, Serial No. 55 (Chattanooga Campaign). 

VOL. XXI. — 4 


slope on either hand descending steeply to the 
lower level. Bragg had his headquarters here in 
a central position, the troops of Breckinridge hold- 
ing the highland from Hardee's position as far as 
Rossville Gap. Crossing the Chattanooga Valley to 
Lookout Range, the line south westward to the river 
again was now but weakly garrisoned, for from this 
post Longstreet's divisions had just departed for 
Knoxville. Here Bragg 's position was notably less 
advantageous than when the siege began. Before 
Longstreet's departure, the advance of Hooker in 
connection with the opening of the "cracker-line," 
the convenient road for supplies so cleverly made 
available by W. F. Smith, established a powerful 
force threateningly near the weakened Confederate 

Opposed to Bragg, Grant, in the lower ground to 
the west, appreciating fully the value of prompt- 
ness, now ranged his zealous and hopeful army. 
Sherman held the left, for the moment lying on the 
north of the river opposite Hardee. Thomas, with 
the Army of the Cumberland, reorganized and rein- 
forced since its disaster, fronted the line of Breckin- 
ridge on Missionary Ridge immediately before the 
town; Hooker, as mentioned, stood at the right, on 
ground won since the siege began. To about fifty- 
six thousand Federals stood opposed forty-six thou- 
sand Confederates.^ Any one who has beheld the 
theatre of operations will believe that the advan- 
* Livermore, Numbers and Losses, 106. 



tage of the Confederate position was fully equal to 
the difference in numbers. Grant's plan was that 
Sherman should make the main attack on the left, 
while Thomas and Hooker were to make demon- 
strations in their fronts designed to prevent the 
reinforcement of Hardee against Sherman from the 
line farther south; but their feints, should a chance 
offer, were to be turned into real assaults. 

Accordingly, on November 23, 1863, Thomas be- 
gan offensive operations by marching out from the 
forts near the town, with Grant in his company, and 
seizing advanced ground which included Orchard 
Knob, a rocky hill in front of the Confederate line; 
Thomas stood prepared to assault from Orchard 
Knob, while Hooker, at the right, attacked the 
slope of Lookout. The air on the next morning, 
November 24, was charged with coolness, mists 
from the river obscuring the lowlands, while clouds 
drifted about the heights. Long before light the 
corps of Sherman threw off concealment and made 
its way by pontoons across the river against the 
north end of Missionary Ridge. This was quickly 
carried and the ridge surmounted, whereupon Sher- 
man encountered a great disappointment : the height 
upon which he stood was isolated, a gorge which, 
had quite escaped his reconnoissance intervening be- 
tween it and the ridge proper, on the steep opposite 
side of which Hardee was posted ; but there was no 
abatement of the vigor of the attack, which was met 
with equal spirit, the armies clashing in eager battle. 


It was at the south that the Union success first 
began. The ardor of Hooker's men, impelling them 
beyond the lower acclivities of Lookout Mountain, 
soon carried them to the highest points, till at last 
the battalions, fighting as they climbed, reached 
Pulpit Rock, a height of twenty-four hundred feet. 
Nor did Hooker pause here. Though delayed some- 
what in the low ground by Chattanooga Creek, he 
soon crossed, the Confederates retiring, and was in 
good time at Rossville ; whence, pressing northward 
along Missionary Ridge, with a division in either 
valley east and west, and still another advancing 
on the crest between, he threw back Breckinridge, 
who was thus brought into a strait. 

Ere this Thomas was in motion. The feat of 
Hooker's men, lifted as they were high in air, had 
been distinctly visible and audible to the Army of 
the Cumberland, who, standing impatient in battle 
array on the afternoon of the 25th, received the 
order to take the rifle-pits which Bragg had con- 
trived at the foot of the ridge. That proved an 
easy task, after which the men, without orders, 
stung by their late humiliation at Chickamauga, 
and beholding the chance which fortune opened, 
surged in a wave of blue up the almost precipitous 
ascent. A second line of rifle-pits half-way up 
offered an obstacle even less embarrassing than that 
at the base. Soon the panting ranks were at the 
summit, four hundred feet above the plain. The 
hostile line was at once broken through, and, turn- 



ing right and left, the assailants in a few moments 
overpowered all resistance, whether of infantry or 
of artillery, barely missing the capture of Bragg 
himself, who galloped eastward down the height. 
In this impetuous and happy exploit many were 
brave, but the figure of special interest perhaps was 
Sheridan, who reached the top among the first. 
Afire with the battle-glow, lavish it is to be feared 
of imprecations, mounted upon a cannon that his 
short stature might be properly pedestalled, he 
swayed the throng of stormers. 

Sherman, who as yet had made no headway, must 
be succored at the northern end of the ridge. The 
division of Baird, therefore, which among the troops 
of Thomas w^as farthest to the left, fell hotly upon 
Hardee's rear. Struck thus before and behind, even 
that skilful soldier was without recourse. He with- 
drew defeated to the Chickamauga Valley, as did 
also Breckinridge at the south. Every position was 
captured, the entire ridge cleared of the foe, and 
through the night, that fell as the battle closed, the 
beaten Bragg fled southward into Georgia. 

To the Federals the loss in killed was 753 ; wounded, 
4722; to the Confederates, in killed, 361; wounded, 
2160;* the latter lost many guns and more than 
4000 prisoners. The victory of Chattanooga, though 
attended with small comparative loss, was more im- 
portant in results than many bloodier fields; and 
as regards elements of impressiveness perhaps sur- 
^ Liveraiore, Numbers and Losses, 106. 


passes every other battle of the war. East and West 
fought side by side in earnest emulation. It was 
the Army of the Tennessee, Vicksburg men, that 
struck at the north; the Army of the Potomac, 
Gettysburg men, that scaled Lookout; the Army 
of the Cumberland, Chickamauga men, that carried 
Missionary Ridge. To these last, since they had 
suffered most, it fell appropriately to administer 
the coup de grace. Here, too, for the only time, con- 
tended side by side the four supreme Federal leaders 
— Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, and Thomas. For the 
striving of these champions nature provided a ma- 
jestic theatre, and rarely indeed has a battle been 
attended by circumstances so picturesque. 

The charge of the Army of the Cumberland, with- 
out orders, up the beetling Missionary Ridge, before 
Grant and Thomas, astounded and anxious on 
Orchard Knob, was such a spectacle as human eyes 
have rarely seen. Hooker's achievement on Look- 
out Mountain, beheld among and above the drifting 
clouds by both hosts, was a worthy drama, worthily 
witnessed. Sheridan, in intense interest, followed 
with his glass a color-bearer, who in front of the 
line waved his flag dauntlessly in the charge till 
the mountain was carried.* As the evening deep- 
ened, the full moon rose magnified at the horizon 
line by atmospheric refraction. While it hung for 
a few moments behind an eastern ridge, a charging 
column passed across its disk, weirdly silhouetted 
* Sheridan, Personal Memoirs^ I., 306. 



before the beholders, the brandished weapons and 
frenzied figures wild and strange as in a march of 

How fared Longstreet meantime, detached with 
the best troops of the Confederate army for the 
Knoxville expedition? From the first things went 
wrong. Delayed at the start, they found them- 
selves on arriving among a hostile people, and were 
met everywhere by Bumside with vigor and skill. 
The Federal chief had able lieutenants, especially 
Potter and Hartranft of the Ninth Corps, ^ who, as 
colonels at Antietam, carried the stone bridge on 
the left ; and also Sanders, a young cavalry general, 
whose promise was cut off untimely in this campaign. 
The southern officers and men appear to have gone 
to work only half-heartedly. Of the brigadiers, the 
conduct of Robertson was bad; while Law, jealous 
of Jenkins, who had been preferred to him as leader 
of a division in place of the wounded Hood, wilfully 
held back in his duty, believing that a success would 
go to the credit of his rival. ^ Even the true and 
tried McLaws, who in capturing the garrison of 
Harper's Ferry before Antietam did perhaps as 
much as Stonewall Jackson, and at Fredericksburg 
repulsed from the stinken road the Federal right, 
was now accused of slackness and court-mar tialled.^ 

* Sheridan, Personal Memoirs, I,, 315. 

2 War Records, Serial No. 54, p. 332. 

2 Longstreet, Manassas to Appomattox, 495-548. 

^ War Records, Serial No. 54, pp. 503 et seq. 


The doughty Longstreet himself, without faith in 
the enterprise and disheartened by the behavior 
of both superiors and subordinates, acknowledges a 
letting down of his own energies. In an assault, 
November 29, upon Fort Sanders, at Knoxville, 
where he was beaten back with a loss of a thousand 
men, he admits that he too credulously accepted an 
exaggerated account of the strength of the Federal 
works, and drew off when he ought to have struck 
again. ^ For the Confederates all came to naught. 
As Bragg had been driven south of the Georgia 
border, so Longstreet, after a trying winter expe- 
rience in the unfriendly highlands, at last made his 
way back through southwest Virginia to the side 
of Lee. When the year 1864 opened, Tennessee 
throughout was almost wrested from the Confeder- 
ate grasp ; a party of guerillas now and then might 
threaten a bridge or rob a train, but as to regular 
and formal resistance in that state, the war for 
the time was over. 

^ Longstreet, Manassas to Appomattox, 507. 



ii feel that, in spite of many a rough stroke re- 
ceived, she had inflicted more than she had suf- 
fered: the Confederacy was now cleft apart, and 
the patrol of the Union gun-boats up and down the 
Mississippi was constant and vigilant. Not only 
was it out of the question for armies to cross, but 
it was a risk for individuals to attempt a passage 
in a skiff; much more so to attempt to ferry over 
a herd of cattle, a load of cotton, or provisions of 
any kind: unlucky furloughed soldiers from the 
trans-Mississippi could not get home.^ Resistance 
was practically quelled in both the divided parts 
north of the Gulf states. West of that river, Kirby 
Smith and Dick Taylor were soon to strike a last 
telling blow for the Confederacy on the Red River; 
but, as regards the trans-Mississippi coimtry, the 
Richmond government had little to contemplate 
but a series of reverses, as a result of which its cause 
was prostrate. East of the river the war was 

North had reason to 

Hague, A Blockaded Family, 130. 


practically at an end in Kentucky and throughout 
Tennessee, except one last spasmodic convulsion to 
be described ere long. Alabama remained to be 
subdued, and also the great region from Florida ^ 
northward; though in each Atlantic state the sea- I 
coast was dominated, if not actually occupied, by 
Federal armies and fleets, with the exception of a ^ 
harbor here and there into which the blockade- \ 
runners still continued to penetrate. 

This wide subjugation, with the desperate effort 
to fight it off, profoundly modified the life of the 
southern people. Men of the arms-bearing age were 
in the field, and those who stayed at home, the 
women, old men, and children, were greatly affect- 
ed in their conditions. The modification was not 
always of a melancholy kind. Miss Parthenia A. 
Hague, living in southern Alabama, author of an 
interesting record,^ gives a pleasant picture of the 
days passed on the plantations. The vigorous men 
were in arms, the plantations tilled by the negroes, 
whose fidelity to their old masters was largely un- 
shaken. The blockade, cutting off as it did every- 
thing that came from the outside, threw the people 
upon their own resources. Instead of the unvary- 
ing cotton, crops became diversified, producing, so 
far as possible, what could no longer be imported. 
Domestic industries, long obsolete, were plied again: 
the women spun, wove, and dyed, making fabrics 
which they turned into garments; candles were 
^ Hague, A Blockaded Family, passim. 



moulded, baskets and furniture contrived of wicker- 
work, hats from wool, and shoes from leather, which 
had never before been so well tanned. Flocks of 
goats were introduced with great benefit, in the 
idea that they might tempt the cupidity of possible 
invaders less than horses and beeves. Communities 
grew self-reliant as never before. It seems plain 
that the harsh circumstances tended to bring about 
a healthier life than when the planter and his wife 
superintended the slave-raised cotton, while mean- 
time from the outside came in a stream of supplies 
that removed the need of work of brain or hand. 
But hardship and afHiction constantly grew deeper; 
privation pinched ever more acutely; death deso- 
lated every household; the fear of the foe was con- 
stant, until they came, and came to crush. 

The suffering on the plantations was small as 
compared with that in the besieged towns. One 
may still see in Vicksbtn-g two or three of the caves 
into which the people were driven — damp burrows 
into the heart of the hills, the crumbling roofs and 
sides propped up by timbers, the ravines into which 
they opened never out of reach of the far-penetrat- 
ing shells of the Federals. Of the constant terror, 
the pressing want, the wounds, and death with 
which each day was attended, there are pathetic 

Of the high life of the South in war-times, the 
aristocracy under the old regime being scarcely less 
* My Cave Life in Vickshurg, by a Lady. 


a class apart than in the midst of feudal conditions, 
there is no more vivid picture than that of Mrs. 
James Chesnut, wife of a former United States 
senator from South Carolina who became a Con- 
federate general and an aide of Jefferson Davis. ^ 
She was in middle age, full of vitality, good-hearted, 
well schooled and travelled, possessed, too, of a 
cheery humor, at times so breezy and robust as to 
recall the Wife of Bath. Flitting from point to 
point — Montgomery, Richmond, Columbia, Charles- 
ton, or at this or that country seat — her familiars 
were Jefferson Davis, Lee, and many other men of 
the hour and their families, whom she depicts in 
her panorama in lively colors. At first her narra- 
tive effervesces with high spirits, reflecting merrily 
a cheerful environment; but gloom deepens as the 
months proceed; in place of buoyancy come wrath 
and depression, while laughter ceases in the fre- 
quent shadow of death. After a battle in 1863 she 
limns a sober picture of a communion service in St. 
Paul's Church in Richmond, during which the sex- 
ton hurries at short intervals up the aisle with a 
whispered summons to the families whose sons, 
brothers, or husbands are brought in from the 
fields in their coffins. He goes at last to the min- 
ister in the chancel, who, leaving the distribution of 
the bread and wine to his assistant, departs with 
the others to meet his sorrow.^ 

Yet Mrs. Chesnut cannot long be sad. In a De- 
* Mrs. Chesnut, Diary from Dixie. ^ Ibid., 245. 



cember record of this year she tells a merry story 
of an excursion down the river in the flag-of-truce 
boat to a French frigate which had come up through 
Hampton Roads. The party, in much - fractured 
French, tried to establish an entente cordiale. Vieff 
r Emperor!" cries one. ''A la sante de I'Emperor!" 
cries another, with raised glass. But the Frenchmen, 
of course under orders to be cautious, are unre- 
sponsive. The good lady may be excused for say- 
ing that the frigate was *'a dirty little thing," and 
her officers unattractive. **They can't help not be- 
ing good-looking, but with all the world open to 
them, to wear such shabby clothes!" 

That the Confederacy, shut off from the world by 
the ever-tightening blockade, was by this time badly 
out at the elbows there is much evidence. In the 
spring of 1863 there were bread riots; in November 
flour sold at over a hundred dollars a barrel, 
and suffering more acute was impending.* The 
painful lack in the Confederacy of all supplies ex- 
cept food and the raw materials for fabrics was a 
source of weakness which could not be overcome. 
Clothes, shoes, medicines, machinery, arms, paper, 
powder — the thousand appliances of civilized life in 
peace and the means for making war — came to the 
South only in blockade - runners from Europe or 
were captured by her armies from her northern foes. 
There was grievous dearth of workshops, skilled 
labor, and scientific accomplishment which could 
* Jones, Rebel War Clerk's Diary, II., 90, 284. 


be turned to practical account in such an exi- 
gency. Nevertheless, there were men who coped as 
they could with a situation which ever grew more 
serious, and the story requires mention of work 
often as important as that of generals in the 

John M. Brooke, a naval officer of ingenious turn, 
while attached to the Naval Observatory at Wash- 
ington, had attracted notice as the inventor of an 
apparatus for deep-sea sounding^ and otherwise 
furthering the study of the physical geography of 
the sea, which about the middle of the nineteenth 
century was engaging attention. Taking sides with 
the South, he was soon put in charge of the Tredegar 
Works, at Richmond, and here developed into a 
skilful mechanical engineer, creating with small 
means a vast forge and machine-shop, and educat- 
ing a numerous body of mechanics. His principal 
achievement was the devising of the ram Virginia ^ 
a remarkable feat in view of his limited means. ^ 
His plans were so marked by originality as to place 
him in the class with Eads, Ericsson, and other 
great Tubal Cains who in these latter days have 
equipped the world with marvellous tools. On 
shore as well as sea Brooke continued to supply 
machines; and he kept in some sort of order the 
hard- worked railroads; while shot and shell and 

^ Corbin, Maury, 99. 

2 Scharf, Confederate States Navy, 145; Battles and Leaders, I., 




the cannon that hurled them came abundantly out 
of the Tredegar furnaces. 

Matthew Fontaine Maury, of an old Huguenot 
family in Spottsylvania County, Virginia, was in 
1 861 probably the most distinguished scientific man 
who held a commission in the nay7.^ At the head 
of the Naval Observatory in Washington, his reputa- 
tion was especially that of an hydrographer. His 
work in mapping the ocean-currents, in meteorology, 
in studying marine phenomena in general, from the 
bed of the sea to the winds that blew^ above its sur- 
face, in devising and properly laying the first ocean 
cables, was recognized as of value by the sailors of 
every land. When at the outbreak he resigned his 
commission, Constantine, grand-admiral of Russia, 
offered him high position. But he went with the 
South, serving the Confederacy first as chief of sea- 
coast, harbor, and river defences, and later in Europe. 
His service was especially noteworthy ifi contriving 
instruments for submarine warfare — mines and tor- 
pedoes, which the Federal ships found formidable 
long after the southern navy at home had practically 
ceased to exist. 

Of southern scientists of that time none were more 
interesting than the brothers John and Joseph Le 
Conte.^ Like Maury, of Huguenot strain, they were 
born in Georgia, men of genius in several directions, 
before the w^ar accomplished chemists. From Jo- 

^ Corbin, Maury, passim. 

^ Joseph Le Conte, Autobiography. 


seph's autobiography it appears that he was in 
youth a favorite pupil of Agassiz. He hesitated in 
regard to secession, but at last, when the University 
of South Carolina (where both brothers were pro- 
fessors) was broken up by the enlistment of all the 
students, they were swept away in the current, be- 
coming active workers and severe sufferers for their 
cause. The Le Contes established laboratories at 
Columbia, South Carolina, which became the main 
source of supply for medicines and hospital require- 
ments. Through them also the South was able to 
utilize its nitre-beds ;' in the manufacture of powder 
the Le Contes became indispensable.* Joseph, whom 
we know best, was an amiable teacher and scholar, 
who later as a geologist, in the University of Cali- 
fornia, of which John became president, established 
a fame among the first. His autobiography, written 
late in life, narrates in calm and unembittered terms 
many painful experiences in the war-time. With 
manly candor he writes: 

"I am not blaming anybody on either side. It 
was evidently an honest difference of opinion as to 
the nature of our government ; it was honestly fought 
out to a finish, and the result frankly accepted. But 
let it be distinctly understood that there never was 
a war in which were more thoroughly enlisted the 
hearts of the whole people — men, women, and chil- 
dren — than were those of the South in this. To us 
it was literally a life and death struggle for national 
^ Mrs. Chesnnt, Diary from Dixie, 187. 

1863] CIVIL LIFE 65 

existence; and doubtless the feeling was equally 
honest and earnest on the other side."^ 

The aspect of the North at the end of 1863 was 
in marked contrast to that of the South. In poli- 
tics it was an "off year," the elections being for state 
officers only; but the results indicated better things 
for the Union, particularly the overwhelming de- 
feat of Vallandigham in Ohio. As regards loss of 
men, the suffering in both sections was similar. The 
homes were few which had not sent out at least one 
soldier, and very many had sent more, from whom 
the grave gathered a heavy tribute. But excepting, 
this desolation, there was little sign of bad times at 
the North. It was prosperity that one beheld. 
The energetic government supplied every need with 
prompt liberality; every forge was making weapons 
and ammunition; every factory turning out tents, 
clothes, equipments, supplies of every kind. What- 
ever the land could produce, crops, horses, cattle, 
found a ready market; there was labor for all, and 
the pay was sure and ample; to the adroit and 
rapacious, extraordinary opportunities opened for 
amassing fortunes; to many wealth came almost 
without an effort. The merchants who happened 
to have on their shelves a stock of cotton cloth, the 
farmers who had raised good crops of onions or 
tobacco, the lumbermen who had beams and boards 
on hand, sold their merchandise at unexpected prices. 
A public debt, to be sure, was rolling up, surpassing 
* Joseph Le Conte, Autobiography, 181. 

VOL. XXI. — s 


everything the world had previously known, and 
the cautious apprehended a dismal reckoning in the 
future; but the mass of the people had few fears. 
They bought with alacrity the government securities 
and paid with few murmurs the internal revenue 
taxes, which by this time furnished an abundant 
return. The rising price of gold was ominous; the 
disappearance, too, of specie from the currency was 
startling; but in its place the people accepted the 
greenbacks, of which there were in circulation,* 
January i, 1864, $444,825,022, thereby submitting 
to a forced loan in addition to the ''kewpon bonds," 
which in thousands of plain households now gave 
evidence of the confidence in the government. Of 
the resolute cheerfulness of the northern people, no 
better or more representative utterance can be found 
than a passage from the pen of one of the best and 
ablest Americans, Dr. Asa Gray, in his letters to Dar- 
win and others at this time. 

" Oh foolish people ! When will you see that there 
is only one end to all this, and that the North never 
dreams of any other. . . . Wait a year longer and you 
may return to a country in which slavery having 
tried to get more has lost all, and as a system, is de- 
funct. The November elections show a united 
North. Peace Democracy has made its issue and 
is dead. The re-election of Lincoln by accla- 
mation seems probable, supported by moderate 
men of all sorts, the extremes of the opposing par- 
^ Blaine, Twenty Years, I., 643. 



ties alone going against him. Merry Christmas to 

A noteworthy feature of the Civil War was the 
organized charity. In the wars of past times, up 
to the middle of the nineteenth century, the com- 
fort of the soldier depended upon what his govern- 
ment could give him. The suffering in the Crimea, 
making plain as it did the inadequacy of the au- 
thorities to cope with the needs of the troops, de- 
veloped agencies with which the name of Florence 
Nightingale is forever bound. Proceeding upon this 
precedent, at the outset of the Civil War the Sani- 
tary Commission was organized.^ Its purpose was to 
supplement the work of the government, in the field, 
in camps, and in hospitals, supplying to the troops 
such mitigations of pain and privation as are pos- 
sible. June 9, 1 86 1, formal organization was effected 
by an order of the secretary of war. The president 
of the commission was Henry Whitney Bellows, a 
New York clergyman of great energy and eloquence, 
who had initiated the movement ; and its able secre- 
tary was Frederick Law Olmstead. With them were 
associated men of distinction in law, business, above 
all in the medical profession; at once a beginning 
was made of organized philanthropy. 

Everywhere there was zeal ; the suffering to be 
relieved was that of sons and brothers. Money was 
ready to flow; especially the hearts of women were 

* Asa Gray, Letters, II., 511-517. 

2 Still^, Hist, of the Sanitary Commission. 


moved ; whatever their brains could suggest, or their 
hands contrive, came in overflowing measure. This 
offering needed direction, which the Sanitary Com- 
mission undertook to furnish. That its work was 
wisely done was questioned by few that saw it ; and 
its record is an interesting chapter in the history of 
the war. The service rendered by its managers, 
though unpaid, was constant and able. Through 
its channels at least twenty-five million dollars flowed 
out in relief.^ The commission possessed the con- 
fidence of the soldiers who were ministered to, and 
of the people who ministered. Since the war it 
has been the model upon which the "Red Cross" 
work in various lands has been planned. 

Affiliated with the Sanitary Commission was the 
Western Sanitary Commission, organized in St. Louis 
for work in the Mississippi Valley.^ A brother or- 
ganization was the Christian Commission, supported 
by people of evangelical religious belief, whose effort 
was, besides physical relief, to reinforce the work of 
the chaplains in the care of souls. 

While in these great societies all was done with 
the best purpose and the warmest zeal, they did not 
escape criticism. Still6 speaks of a lack of sym- 
pathy on the part of the government departments;^ 
and General Sherman, with his usual frankness, 
while admitting great usefulness, declares that the 

* Stills, Hist, of the Sanitary Commission, 490. 

2 Mrs. Charlotte Eliot, W. G. Eliot, 212. 

^ Stills, Hist, of the Sanitary Commission, 510. 

1863] CIVIL LIFE 69 

ministrations of such societies should be in the rear 
of fighting armies and not on the field of battle.^ 
Their creation, however, was undoubtedly a step in 
advance, and henceforth no civilized country will 
array armies without studying carefully this Ameri- 
can experience. 

A word or two should be said as to the work of the 
public press in the war. The newspaper, which in 
quiet times is the universal informant and counsel- 
lor, becomes in war-times more than ever a necessity 
of life. Bread and the newspaper," one is scarcely 
less essential than the other. The work of the press 
during the Civil War was performed by men often 
of the highest character and ability. Horace Gree- 
ley, Henry J. Raymond, Charles A. Dana, A. K. 
McClure, Murat Halstead, Whitelaw Reid, George 
W. Smalley, Joseph Medill, Samuel Bowles, and 
many more most capable writers — the list is a brill- 
iant one of those who in editorial chairs or as corre- 
spondents in the field furnished news and moulded 

Nevertheless, throughout the war, there was never 
a time when in either North or South the relations 
were entirely easy and cordial between commanders 
and newspaper-men, and they often w^ere at swords' 
points. Lee is said to have spoken of newspapers 
in general with great severity.^ He impugned their 
patriotism, instancing particularly their conduct 

* W. T. Sherman, Memoirs, II., 392. 

^ R. E. Lee, Jr., Recollections and Letters of Lee, 416. 


when, in 1863, Longstreet was sent west before 
Chickamauga ; it was vital to keep the movement 
secret, but the newspapers insisted on making it pub- 
lic. Grant's disposition towards the correspondents 
was no kinder;* and Cox tells stories of jarring and 
ill-accord between generals and correspondents which 
probably all generals at the front could have paral- 
leled.^ These writers, no doubt, were often incon- 
siderate, tactless, and perhaps worse. The general 
was sometimes browbeaten in his headquarters by 
a correspondent who told him that his paper every 
day made and unmade greater men than he was. 
One writer of note, William Swinton, was accused 
by both Grant and Cox of being an eavesdropper, 
a presumptuous hector, and a calumniator. 

Perhaps there is a deep-seated reason why soldiers 
and newspaper-men should be unfriendly. If "war 
is hell," as a high military authority states, it is no 
more infernal in the devastation and homicide which 
results, than in the deception which war makes no 
less necessary. From the time of the Trojan horse, 
at the outset of history, to the capture of Aguinaldo, 
in our day, the course of human warfare is marked 
no more by bloodshed than by strategy. There can 
be no warfare without strategy, and strategy is the 
art of making feints. The great strategist is he who 
can best hoodwink his adversary, and strike his 
blow while the adversary is in error. Such a course 

* Grant, Personal Memoirs, II., 68. 
^ Cox, Military Reminiscences, I., 172. 



once entered upon, is liable soon to become bald 
treachery and lying. To make war is of necessity 
to produce devastation, man-slaying, untruth — a 
thing only justifiable as the sole means of averting 
what is worse. The world believes that the time 
is not yet come when it can dispense with the sol- 
dier, and while he exists, the soldier apparently must 
deceive as well as burn and kill. 

Now, while it is essential in the soldier's trade that 
he go furtively to work, the very air in which the 
press lives is publicity. It exists to tell the truth 
fully and accurately; and if a suspicion arises that 
the press comes short here, it is straightway dis- 
credited, loses influence, and may be thrust aside. 
When, therefore, the journalist, the man who must 
tell the truth or fail, faces the soldier, who must de- 
ceive or fail, a natural antagonism develops between 
the two; unfriendliness is inevitable. The agent of 
publicity can never be welcome in a campaign. 


(December, 1863-ApRiL, 1864) 

THE military events of the summer and fall of 
1863 brought to the front the great commanders 
who were thenceforth to take responsibility and 
achieve victory. In civil life also new men pushed 
to the front. The thirty-eighth Congress (elected 
in 1862), which met December 7, 1863, organized 
by choosing as speaker Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, 
the party vote standing loi to 81, the majority in- 
dicating accurately the Republican strength, though 
there were besides a few Democrats who usually sus- 
tained the administration.* Colfax, who thus came 
forward into high position, was by trade a printer, 
a man active-minded and industrious, who since his 
appearance in public life had been marked as an 
able debater, and now confirmed a reputation as a 
skilful parliamentarian.^ Several of the prominent 
men of the thirty-seventh Congress were missed: 
Elbridge G. Spaulding and Roscoe Conkling, of New 
York; John A. Bingham and Samuel Shellabarger, 

^ Blaine, Twenty Years, I,, 497 et seq. 
2 Riddle, Recollections, 249. 



of Ohio; Galusha A. Grow, of Pennsylvania, and 
still others. Of the new men, perhaps the most 
brilliant was Henry Winter Davis, of Maryland, 
whose ardent Unionism had operated powerfully to 
save his state from secession, and who, though be- 
fore the war a supporter of John Bell, was opposed to 
the conservatives and a promoter of the war. His 
powers were conspicuous, and the highest anticipa- 
tions were entertained of his eminence as a states- 
man, blasted two years later by his premature 
death. Another interesting figure was the brave 
soldier, Major-General Robert C. Schenck, who, 
severely wounded at the second Bull Rim, resumed 
a political career which he had earlier followed with 
distinction, and was chosen from Ohio as the suc- 
cessor of Vallandigham. He became chairman at 
once of the committee on military affairs, and soon 
succeeded Thaddeus Stevens at the head of the com- 
mittee of ways and means, always showing a grasp 
of mind and a capacity for effective statement 
which won admiration. At this time, too, entered 
James A. Garfield, also a major-general, who had 
earned his promotion at Chickamauga. His health 
was breaking under the hardships of campaigning, 
and he now chose a field of service no less arduous 
if less dangerous. William B. Allison, John A. 
Kasson, Samuel J. Randall, and a young man of 
thirty-three, James G. Blaine, were also among the 
new members. Into the Senate came a representa- 
tion of the loyal war governors, Morgan, of New 


York; Sprague, of Rhode Island; and Ramsey, of 
Minnesota; while among the Democratic accessions 
were Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, and Thomas 
A. Hendricks, of Indiana. 

The work of the thirty-seventh Congress had been 
one of path-breaking, in framing a military policy, 
devising ways and means to meet vast expenditures, 
and undermining slavery as the root of all the 
political evils. What was begun, the thirty-eighth 
Congress must continue. The proposition for an 
amendment of the Constitution making slavery 
thenceforth impossible will be discussed further on.* 

On the first day of the session, E. B. Washburne, 
of Illinois, moved a restoration of the grade of lieu- 
tenant-general, and supported his motion in a most 
earnest and picturesque speech, making no secret 
of the fact that he had Grant in view for the revived 
dignity. In spite of some reasonable opposition 
(Garfield, for instance, thought the movement pre- 
mature), both Houses voted favorably, and on 
February 29, 1864, the bill was signed.^ The mod- 
est hero appeared in Washington, stammering and 
abashed before plaudits, as he had never been be- 
fore batteries. No one paints more vividly the 
homeliness of the rather shabby, unimpressive fig- 
ure than Richard H. Dana, who saw him at Wil- 
lard's as he started out under his new responsibili- 
ties. "I suppose you don't mean to breakfast 

* See below, chaps, viii. and xiii. 
2 S. Statutes at Large, XIII., 11. 



again till the war is over," remarked Mr. Dana, 
jocosely. **Not here I sha'n't," said Grant, han- 
dling his English as cavalierly as if it were a rebel 

With his new rank was imposed upon Grant the 
entire command of the Union armies, both East and 
West. Sherman took the department of the Mis- 
sissippi, McPherson succeeding him as commander 
of the Army of the Tennessee. Halleck lost his 
prominence, though still on duty as " chief -of - 
staff," near the secretary of war. No incident con- 
nected with these changes is more interesting than 
the interchange of letters between Grant and Sher- 
man.^ The general-in-chief accords to Sherman and 
McPherson, and to his other lieutenants, the fullest 
credit for their help in winning his successes, show- 
ing in every simple phase a warm affection for these 
friends and aids; to all which the impetuous Sher- 
man responds with affecting heartiness: the tw^o 
manly spirits, long working together, now stood in 
a conjimction, the fruit of which was to be the sav- 
ing of the nation. 

As long as the national arms enjoyed a reasonable 
success, it w^as certain that the support of Congress 
would not fail. Vigorous means, as we have seen, 
had been taken to keep up the number of the troops. 
Those whose terms were about to expire were en- 
couraged to "veteranize," or re-enlist, by an offer 

1 Adams, R. H. Dana, II., 272. 

' W. T= Sherman, Me^noirs, I., 426. 


of a month's furlough; the draft was firmly en- 
forced, the people acquiescing quietly in what had 
at first seemed to many an outrage. The money 
commutation allowed brought many millions into 
the treasury. By this time the enlistment of 
negroes had become a settled policy, no longer 
objected to by soldiers in the field or conservatives 
at home. Massachusetts sent two regiments of her 
own colored citizens well equipped and officered,^ 
and in other northern states negroes were enlisted; 
but the great body of colored troops were recruited 
among the freedmen of the South. These did ex- 
cellent service on military works, in garrison duty, 
and often among fighters at the front: Lincoln 
stated in his message, December 8, 1863, that there 
were a hundred thousand colored men in the govern- 
ment service, fifty thousand of whom had borne 
arms in battle.^ 

It was natural and inevitable that there should 
no longer be any such rush to the ranks as in 1861 : 
the country was sadly familiar with the grimness of 
war's visage; and the opportunities at home for 
well-paid work were such as had rarely before been 
known. The privilege of hiring substitutes sent 
some very poor material into the ranks: but the 
gaps were filled, and as spring drew near, a vast 
multitude, on the whole patriotic, brave, well 
trained, and well equipped, stood ready to force the 

* Pearson, John A. Andrew, II., 69 et seq. 
^Lincoln, Works (ed. of 1894), II., 454. 



struggle to a finish, too fondly believed to be within 
easy reach. 

After Vicksburg, the capture of Mobile seemed a 
natural and feasible sequence, but Grant and Sher- 
man were diverted, as has been seen, to Chatta- 
nooga. Banks, in Louisiana, also would willingly 
have gone eastward against the only Confederate 
port left between Florida and Texas, but the govern- 
ment formed another plan. A French army was 
making progress in Mexico, and French intrigues 
were already on foot designed to affect Texas. To 
thwart Napoleon III., a firm hold on Texas seemed 
necessary ; yet at the moment the North held noth- 
ing in that state. ^ Banks was therefore ordered to 
Texas, where, in the fall of 1863, after a failure at 
Sabine Pass, he made important lodgments along 
the coast at Brownsville on the Mexican border, and 
at Matagorda Bay. It was thought in Washington 
that a more satisfactory point of occupation would 
be found in the interior, to be approached by the 
Red River. Banks accordingly, in 1864, much 
against his will, made preparations for such a cam- 
paign as the spring approached, the only season 
when the Red River is navigable. 

Meantime, the programme of the year's battles 
opened elsewhere. The important towns on the 
Atlantic coast of Florida had for some time been 
in the Federal grasp. With the false idea that a 
Union sentiment existed in the interior, which 
* Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, VIII., 285. 


might be encouraged by the advance of an army 
thither, Gillmore, commanding the department at 
Charleston, was allowed to despatch such an expe- 
dition. General Truman Seymour, a brave and ex- 
perienced officer, was put in charge ; he entered upon 
the task with misgivings, and soon met with mis- 
fortune. Florida was not ripe for a Union move- 
ment; and at Olustee, February 20, 1864, Seymour 
was repulsed, losing eighteen hundred and sixty men* 
in his vain effort.^ 

Grant's policy was to avoid wasting strength in 
outskirt operations, and concentrate upon two main 
lines of effort. The campaign of Olustee came 
before he was in charge; and Banks's expedition 
up the Red River could not well be checked in 
March, when Grant assumed his wider duty. Di- 
visions from the Thirteenth and Nineteenth Corps 
were detailed, all that could be spared after making 
secure the widely extended Federal conquests in 
Louisiana and Texas; and in addition a fine body 
of ten thousand men under A. J. Smith was sent 
down from Vicksburg. Steele, also commanding 
in Arkansas, was ordered southward to co-oper- 
ate; while Porter's fleet of gun-boats was to as- 
cend the stream on the flank of the advancing 

Though the effort was great, the signs from the 

* T. W. Higginson, Army Life in a Black Regiment, 240. 
^ War Records, Serial No. 65, pp. 274-356 (Florida Expe- 



outset were unfavorable/ The Vicksburg troops 
were lent with strict directions that they must be 
returned in a month: the water in the Red River, 
though it was the season of flood, was almost too 
low for navigation: Banks's statement of require- 
ments necessary to success was neglected: he was 
delayed while inaugurating, under the president's 
orders, the new state government of Louisiana. His 
lieutenants, among them W. B. Franklin, in the 
background since Fredericksburg, were West Point 
men, and recognized with no good grace the au- 
thority of a superior from civil life, who, however 
brave, had gained little credit in the field. Fortu- 
nately for the Federals, conditions were no better 
in the camp of their foes. Dick Taylor, an able 
officer, who had sustained the Confederate cause 
in Louisiana as well as circumstances allowed dur- 
ing the trying year of 1863, was still on the ground, 
but ranked by Kirby Smith, to whom had been 
committed the whole trans-Mississippi. Both gen- 
erals, with their forces, came together below Shreve- 
port, high up on the Red River, and discord began 
at once.^ Had Taylor's hands been free, the Federal 
experience would probably have been rougher than 
it was. 

Banks pushed forward close to Shreveport, having 
the fleet on his right. While advancing through 

* War Records, Serial No. 61, pp. 162-638 (Red River Cam- 

^Taylor, Destrtiction and Reconstruction, 148 et seq. 


pine barrens, in a region almost waterless, on a 
single narrow road, his head of column was heavily- 
assailed at Sabine Cross Roads, April 8, 1864, his 
advance being routed and driven back. Next day, 
at Pleasant Hill, the Federal fortunes were better, 
but the army grew constantly more demoralized. 
The losses were great, and dissensions paralyzed the 
leadership. The river fell when by all precedents 
it should have risen. Porter, apprehensive that his 
ships would be caught in the shallows, hurried down 
stream, and the army followed,, maintaining a 
severe running battle, as far as Alexandria. The 
month having expired, the ten thousand men lent 
from Vicksburg were now recalled by peremptory 
orders from Grant: a serious crisis confronted the 
Federal force. 

The one man who in this disastrous campaign 
earned great credit was a Wisconsin lieutenant- 
colonel, Joseph Bailey, whose feat was not one of 
arms, but of engineering. The Red River at Alex- 
andria is broken for a mile by rapids, passable by 
steamers only at high water. When Porter reached 
the falls with the fleet, he found only three feet and 
four inches of water, whereas his larger vessels with 
their heavy armament required at least seven feet. 
Bailey, acting as engineer on Franklin's staff, was a 
lumberman, and, recalling his experiences, proposed 
a plan which met with opposition,* but which he 
was allowed to try. Finding skilled helpers in regi- 
^ Mahan, Gulf and Inland Waters, 204 et seq. 


ments from Maine and the Northwest, he raised the 
river to an adequate level by means of ingenious 
''wing dams." On May 13, the ten great gun-boats 
and the smaller craft were brought off in safety, for 
Bailey *s engineering raised the river six and a half 
feet; this, with what the channel before contained, 
was ample for the purpose. While the worst was 
in this way happily averted, Banks's campaign 
badly failed. The recrimination between the "po- 
litical general" and his West Point subordinates 
was unusually bitter, only surpassed by the violent 
quarrel between the Confederate leaders. The com- 
ponents of the forces on both sides were soon ab- 
sorbed elsewhere, and no serious engagement took 
place afterwards in the trans-Mississippi.* 

The Red River was practically the end of Banks, 
who had been more unfortunate than blameworthy ; 
for although retained in nominal command in 
Louisiana, he was really superseded by E. R. Canby, 
appointed to superintend a new department to 
include the whole trans-Mississippi. 

The lieutenant-general appointed the beginning 
of May, 1864, as the moment for advance both in 
the East and West. The probable Confederate 
strength at that date is put at 477,233 men ''present 
for duty"; to whom Grant opposed 662,345. The 
statement of the adjutant-general as to Federals 
"present equipped for duty," April 30, is 533,447: 

* See Committee on the Conduct of the War, Report, 1864- 
1865, pt. ii., 3-401. 

VOL. XXI. — 6 


a corresponding deduction from the Confederate 
estimate so as to state the relative numbers in 
commensurate terms, would make the total number 
of southern combatants actually ready for battle 
about four hundred thousand.^ 

Though Grant was concentrating as none of his 
predecessors had done, a considerable dispersion of 
force was unavoidable. In the North, thousands of 
prisoners must be guarded, and much local disaf- 
fection must be watched: Canada also, when mis- 
fortune befell, showed a spirit semi-hostile, harbor- 
ing many active enemies of the North. At the 
Northwest and West, the Sioux and other Indian 
tribes must be held in check, while the great areas 
of conquered country both east and west of the 
Mississippi, could not be left ungarrisoned. A num- 
ber of small armies, therefore, aggregating a con- 
siderable force, were scattered about. Dix com- 
manded the troops in New York and New England, 
Couch in Pennsylvania, Lew Wallace in Maryland, 
Augur at Washington, Heintzelman the central 
West, Pope in Minnesota, Rosecrans in Missouri, 
Wright on the Pacific, Carleton in New Mexico. 
Steele, who was charged with holding the trans- 
Mississippi against Kirby Smith, had a large force; 
as did also Banks (soon to be superseded by Canby), 
who, it was hoped, might move against Mobile. 
But for the most part the Federals were massed for 
two main operations, which Grant designed should 

^ Badeau, Military Hist, of Grant, II., 555, 556. 


be merged into one. Sherman confronted Johnston 
on the northern border of Georgia, his force compris- 
ing the Army of the Cimiberland under Thomas, 
reinforced by the Army of the Tennessee imder 
McPherson and the Army of the Ohio now imder 
J. M. Schofield. Meade, with the Army of the 
Potomac, faced Lee in Virginia, having on his left, 
about Fortress Monroe, a force gathered from the 
Carolinas and southeastern Virginia, which it was 
hoped would support him powerfully, and on his 
right still another force in the Shenandoah Valley, 
which was expected also to lend an effective hand/ 
Where best among such conditions could the 
commander-in-chief take his place? After the ex- 
perience with Halleck, it was quite plain that he 
should be somew^here in the field. "Do not stay 
in Washington," wrote Sherman, March 10. "Hal- 
leck is better qualified than you to stand the buffets 
of intrigue and policy. Come out West. . . . For 
God's sake, and your country's sake, come out of 
Washington! I foretold to General Halleck before 
he left Corinth the inevitable result to him, and 
now I exhort you to come out West. Here lies the 
seat of the coming empire, and from the West when 
our task is done, we will make short work of Charles- 
ton and Richmond, and the impoverished coast of 
the Atlantic." ^ Grant did not stay in Washington, 
neither did he go West. Recognizing the heaviest 

^ Badeau, Military Hist, of Grant, II., 29, etc. 
2 W. T. Sherman, Memoirs, I., 428. 



and most important task to be the destruction of 
Lee and the Army of Northern Virginia, he estab- 
lished himself at the side of Meade. 

Meade, since Gettysburg, while perhaps over- 
cautious, had done nothing to forfeit the respect 
and confidence of his countrymen.^ He followed 
Lee as he retired southward, in the summer of 1863, 
and was ready to try conclusions for a second time. 
In September came the departure of Longstreet for 
Chickamauga, and his absence made Lee wary; 
before the month ended the departure of the two 
Federal corps under Hooker, in the same direction, 
restrained Meade. A contest of manoeuvres ensued, 
in which Meade showed skill, ^ with now and then a 
flash of battle, the most serious being an affair at 
Bristoe Station, October 14, 1863, where Warren, com- 
manding the Federal rear-guard, struck effectively 
at A. P. Hill, and an affair at Rappahannock Sta- 
tion, November 7, much to the credit of the Sixth 
Corps. A general engagement was imminent near 
the Chancellorsville battle-ground, at Mine Run, 
but the moment passed unused and both armies 
went into winter quarters. Lee was depressed after 
Gettysburg and wished to retire, to which neither 
his government nor army would listen. The failure 
of Meade to secure marked success in his fall cam- 
paign was perhaps due more to inefficient subor- 
dinates than to his own defects: in particular the 

* War Records, Serial No. 48, passim. 
2 Pennypacker, Meade, chaps, xiv., xv. 



loss of Reynolds and the temporary disabling of 
Hancock could not be made good.^ When the 
lieutenant-general appeared, in March, 1864, in the 
camp of ^leade, the latter begged to be allowed to re- 
tire in favor of some commander tested and trained 
imder Grant's own eye, magnanimously offering to 
serve in a lower place : this Grant refused to permit, 
ascribing to Meade all honor, and retaining him in 
his high command. To Meade's high-minded con- 
duct the course of Buell was in contrast. When 
offered by Grant the command of a corps with Sher- 
man or Canby, he declined to serve under men whom 
he had once outranked, and was soon after mustered 

^ General Warren before the Committee on the Conduct of the 
War, Report, 1865, pt. i., 387. 

2 Grant, Personal Memoirs, II., 50. 


(May, 1864-JuNE, 1864) 

WHEN the Army of the Potomac stood ready 
for its campaign of 1864, on April 30, it counted 
ninety-two thousand men and two hundred and 
seventy-four guns. The Eleventh and Twelfth Corps 
were still in the West ; the First and Third Corps had 
been incorporated with others. There remained the 
Second Corps under Hancock, now recovered from his 
wounds, the Fifth under Warren, and the Sixth under 
Sedgwick. Close by, but for a time not combined 
with the others, was the Ninth Corps, under Burn- 
side, about twenty thousand strong. Farther away, 
but expected to co-operate immediately with the 
Army of the Potomac, were the two wings, the 
Army of the James, comprising the Tenth and 
Eighteenth Corps, about forty thousand men, and 
the force in the Shenandoah Valley and West Vir- 
ginia, of about twenty - six thousand men. By 
great misfortune both wings were inefficiently com- 
manded — the Shenandoah force by Sigel, whom it 
was necessary to consider on account of his sup- 
posed influence with the Germans — the Army of the 



James, by Benjamin F. Butler, the War Democrat, 
whose capacity for working ill, should he be thrust 
aside, was dreaded.* Of both these men Grant had 
no personal knowledge, and the responsibility for 
their appointment must rest mainly with the ad- 
ministration. To the short-comings of Butler, es- 
pecially, the disappointments of the campaign now 
about to begin are largely due. 

To this great Federal army Lee opposed in the 
immediate front but sixty thousand men, with two 
hundred and twenty-four guns, under Longs treet, 
Ewell, and A. P. Hill; but Beauregard was hastening 
to his aid, bringing all the strength that could be 
gathered in the Carolinas and along the coast. Lee's 
inferiority in numbers was to some extent balanced 
by the advantage that his work was to be defensive, 
on interior lines, within a country friendly, and with 
which he was familiar. He was thoroughly known 
and idolized by his army, which he had led for two 
years, and which from the corps commanders to the 
rank and file was the selected strength of the Con- 
federacy — as admirable a body of troops, perhaps, 
as the world has ever known. 

Grant, a complete stranger to his men, and also 
to his officers, except as he had encountered here and 
there a few in the old army, planned an advance 
which would make it possible to receive supplies 
from the Potomac and the Chesapeake, inlets from 
which ran far into Virginia to points near his pro- 
^ Badeau, Military Hist, of Grant, II., 44. 


posed line of movement. His campaign was to be 
aggressive and unremitting: ''I propose to fight it 
out on this line if it takes all summer," was his grim 
announcement. It was to be a warfare of the 
hammer, of unceasing attrition.^ 

On the night of May 3, the Army of the Potomac 
crossed the Rapidan, the Fifth Corps at Germanna 
Ford, followed at once by the Sixth ; the Second Corps 
crossed farther east at Ely's Ford; the great train 
of five thousand wagons was divided between the 
two fords ; the Ninth Corps advanced in rear of the 
others, but all were south of the river in good time 
on the 4th. All orders were issued through Meade, 
though Grant was at hand and supreme. The two 
commanders were and remained in harmony, but 
the arrangement was unsatisfactory, causing a di- 
vision of authority which sometimes proved unfort- 

Once across, the army was on familiar ground. 
Warren, followed by Sedgwick, was presently at the 
scene of Stonewall Jackson's last exploit, just a 
year before; while Hancock stood at Chancellors- 
ville. It was again the old tangle of the Wilderness, 
a barren country, stripped at an earlier time of its 
forests to feed long-abandoned furnaces and mines, 
now covered with a second growth of thicket almost 

^ Grant's report in War Records, Serial No. 67, p. 13 (From 
the Rapidan to the James). 

^ Ropes, "Grant's Campaign in Va. in 1864,'! Military Hist. 
Soc. of Mass., Papers, IV., 377 et seq. 



impenetrable. Through the tract, worthless for 
farming, with clearings only here and there, narrow 
roads accommodated the infrequent travel. The 
line of the Union advance was southward along a 
track crossed by roads from the southwest, first a 
turnpike, then a mile or two south a plank -road, 
both leading from Orange Court House, the head- 
quarters of Lee, towards Fredericksburg. 

Grant would have been glad before fighting to 
push through the Wilderness into the more open 
country southward, where his superior numbers 
would give him an advantage ; but Lee saw plainly 
his opportunity, and struck at once. May 5. Ewell 
marched down the turnpike upon Warren and Sedg- 
wick, while A. P. Hill advanced by the plank-road 
against Hancock, who, pushing on from Chancellors- 
ville, had reached a point south of his colleagues. 
Burnside, too, hastened forward, the design being to 
place him between the turnpike and the plank-road ; 
while on the other side Longstreet, whom Lee had 
retained at Gordons ville, in view of a possible cross- 
ing by the Federals farther up the Rapidan, forced 
his march eastward, arriving opportunely. 
I The conflict from the first was almost hand to 
I hand. The Army of the Potomac, aware that the 
t new general believed they had never been made to 
j do their best in action, sought close quarters, which 
their adversaries were not slow to grant. The battle 
of Sedgwick and Warren against Ewell on the turn- 
I pike was quite distinct from that of Hancock against 


Hill, and later Longstreet on the plank-road. Both 
fights, however, were alike heavy and indecisive — 
alternations of advance and retreat on either side, 
the encompassing thickets making regular forma- 
tions impossible: companies and squads breasted 
one another — fragments into which brigades and 
regiments were necessarily torn. The persistency on 
both sides was thorough, the bloodshed unstinted. 
It was on the plank-road that the combat came near- 
est to a decision. At the junction here with a wood- 
track called the Brock Road, Sedgwick, proceeding 
with most of the Sixth Corps to the support of War- 
ren, had left the division of Getty, who, when Han- 
cock arrived, pressed hotly, supported by him, 
upon A. P. Hill. Success for a time seemed likely. 
Hill was forced back upon the path by which he 
came; but Longstreet was at hand — the best of 
troops and leadership at the critical moment.^ Lee 
was in the front, and could with difficulty be in- 
duced to retire to a less threatened station, after 
a pledge from Longstreet to restore the day. 

Guided by the sheriff of the county, who knew 
every by-path, Longstreet, making a detour with 
certain divisions, from the concealment of the brush 
assailed Hancock's fiank, and almost brought about 
a crushing of the Federal wing as complete as that 
in Hooker's battle of the previous year. A strange 
coincidence now befell. As Stonewall Jackson, at 
the critical moment, fell by the fire of his own 
* Longstreet, Manassas to Appomattox, 559 et seq. 



men, so now, Longstreet with his party, hurrying 
along the plank-road, his impetuous colimms dis- 
ordered as they charged, were mistaken for Federal 
cavalry; whereupon the Twelfth Virginia fired a 
volley, prostrating many. A Minie ball passed 
through Longstreet 's right shoulder and neck; he 
was borne off the field, waving his hat feebly with 
his left hand that his disconsolate columns might 
see he was yet alive. It has been claimed that a 
Confederate victory might have been won but for 
the striking down of Longstreet; but the strength 
of the Army of the Potomac was there, and undis- 
mayed. No successor could on the instant carry 
out the complicated manoeuvre which was in prog- 
ress, not even Lee, who presently assumed com- 
mand. The opportunity passed, and Hancock's 
men were soon rallied.^ 

Thus May 5 and 6 passed in ineffective strug- 
gle. The Federal loss was 17.3 per cent, of their 
number engaged, the Confederate loss 18.1 per 
cent.^ Besides the disabling of Longstreet, the Con- 
federates lost other generals, among them Micah 
Jenkins, who since the wounding of Hood at Chicka- 
mauga had ably led his division. The Federals lost 
Wadsworth, and on May 9, the able and experi- 
enced Sedgwick. May 7, Grant set out for Spott- 
sylvania Court-House, hoping to pass round his adver- 

* Longstreet, Manassas to Appomattox, 562; Sorrel, Recollec- 
tions of a Confed. Staff Officer, 240. 


sary's right : but Lee was there before him. Long- 
street's corps, driven out of its bivouac by a forest- 
fire, marched some hours earher than the orders 
required, and by good luck was able to bar the 
Federal advance; whereupon ensued a series of 
combats as determined and as sanguinary as those 
of the Wilderness. At this stage of the war, every 
position was at once intrenched, the troops contriv- 
ing m.arvellously, in the briefest time, out of rails, 
stones, earth, whatever might be at hand, a shelter 
from assault, rude but answering the purpose. Lee, 
acting on the defensive, employed to the utmost this 
warfare of the axe and spade. At Spottsylvania, 
Grant found his adversary everywhere protected; 
and though he did not hesitate to assault, gained no 
lasting advantage. 

Two attempts of this kind were especially brill- 
iant, and promised at first success. On May 10, 
Emory Upton, a young colonel of the Sixth Corps, 
gained a lodgment within the enemy's works which 
failed of results by not being supported. On May 
12, Hancock's first division, tmder Francis C. Bar- 
low, performed a feat of extraordinary gallantry. 
Barlow charged near daybreak a point where the 
Confederate line was thrust forward in a salient. 
The crest was surmounted and crossed: the de- 
fenders were captured right and left within the para- 
pet : twenty cannon, thirty standards, four thousand 
men, the ''best division in the Confederate army,"* 

^ Henderson, Science of War, 325 (Wilderness Campaign). 



with two generals, were in Federal hands. It 
was, in fact, the Stonewall division, with its com- 
mander, Edward Johnson. The Coniederate centre 
appeared fairly broken; a few rods more and the 
Army of Northern Virginia would be cut in two. 
But a second line of works rose before the stormers, 
well defended. The Federal supports, instead of 
failing to come up, this time came up too soon and 
too numerously: the crowd of men, disordered by 
success, failed to make the best application of their 
strength:^ Lee was at hand, putting himself in the 
front to repel the danger. The men of Gordon's 
division turned his horse backward, while a shout 
arose from the ranks, ''General Lee to the rear!" 
They refused to advance till Lee retired out of 

Then throughout the day raged a conflict surpass- 
ing in its terrors. The assailants clinging to one 
side of the w^orks they had captured faced the 
defenders on the other: captures were made back 
and forth by hauling men over the intervening 
breastworks. Meantime a volleying went forward 
so incessant and deadly that oak-trees, their trunks 
severed by the balls, fell to the earth. ^ With thou- 
sands more added to his losses, the Confederate list 
being still larger,^ Grant again, May 19, swept round 

* Barlow, in Military Hist. Soc. of Mass., Papers, IV., 254. 
2 Gordon, Reminiscences of Civil War, 278. 
^ Such a trunk nearly two feet thick is preserved in the National 
Museum at Washington. 
^ ^Livermore, Numbers and Losses, 112. 



the Confederate right, only to confront his adversary 
fixed in new strongholds. 

A fortnight had now elapsed since the Army of 
the Potomac crossed the Rapidan, and we must 
look at the work of the other armies, which set out 
at the same time, co-operation with which was an 
essential part of Grant's campaign. In the Army of 
the Valley, the force under Sigel, and a smaller body 
under Crook and Averell farther west, advanced 
as ordered. Crook accomplished results, reaching 
southwest Virginia, destroying supplies, and break- 
ing the railroad connection with Tennessee. Sigel's 
operations were feeble: encountering opposition, he 
was presently heard from in retreat, and soon after 
was relieved of command.* 

A much greater disappointment befell Grant in the 
case of the Army of the James. Here Butler was in 
command for reasons other than military. Grant 
went to Fortress Monroe to make Butler's acquaint- 
ance, and, we may believe, to form some conclusion 
as to his capacity. Apparently, Butler impressed 
him as clear-headed and forceful.^ At any rate, 
Grant acquiesced in the selection, and thought to 
make things secure by placing at the heads of the 
Tenth and Eighteenth Corps, which together made 
up the Army of the James, Q. A. Gillmore and W. F. 
(Baldy) Smith, accomplished and experienced engi- 
neer officers of the regular army. Smith, in par- 

^ Grant, Personal Memoirs, II., 72, 142. 
2 Butler's Book, chap. xiv. 



ticular, had Grant's confidence, having served under 
his own eye with brilhant efficiency at Chattanooga, 
and Grant brought him east believing that there 
was no officer better fitted than he to command a 
corps. It was expected that Butler would admin- 
ister his department, which included southeastern 
Virginia and North Carolina, leaving the field oper- 
ations to Smith's guidance.^ But Butler had no 
thought of being an3rwhere except in the fore- 
ground and actively directed the movements. 

Charles Francis Adams, who as a cavalry officer 
took part in this campaign, compares Grant's cam- 
paign of 1864 to that of Napoleon in 181 5. While 
Napoleon advanced upon Wellington, it was essen- 
tial that Grouchy should detain Bliicher: so while 
Grant engaged Lee, Butler was expected to defeat 
or at least neutralize Beauregard,^ for to that able 
soldier Jefferson Davis, after hesitation, assigned 
the preservation of Lee's communications, and the 
defence of Richmond from the south and east. As 
to Grouchy so to Butler, the orders were vague, 
much being necessarily left to the discretion of the 
lieutenant. Beauregard did not arrive upon the 
scene till May 10,^ and Butler, who had struck out 
with great vigor, was on the verge of success. May 
4, after a feint towards the York River, his two 

* Grant to Butler, April 2, 1864, War Records, Serial No. 67, 
p. 16. 

^ Adams, Some Phases of the Civil War, 36 (pamphlet, 1905). 
^ Roman, Beauregard, II., 199. 


corps were transferred to City Point on the James, 
occupying immediately Bermuda Hundred, a strong 
position within a few miles of Richmond. 

Here the fair beginning, a surprise to the Rich- 
mond authorities, was frustrated by unwisdom. 
The relation of the general to his lieutenants had 
become in a high degree unpleasant; he held them 
to be insubordinate West-Pointers who would in- 
jure, if they could, a volunteer; they held him to be 
headstrong, inexperienced, and incapable.^ Disap- 
proving of his scheme of operations, they united in 
recommending an advance upon Petersburg, a city 
twenty-two miles south of Richmond and command- 
ing its southern connections, which at the time was 
unfortified and ungarrisoned. "The Grouchy of the 
Wilderness Campaign," though his troops were 
within three miles of Petersburg, May 9, rejected the 
advice in an angry letter,^ ordering a movement in 
another direction, which he claimed his orders fa- 
vored. Had the advice of Smith and Gillmore been 
followed, apparently nothing could have prevented 
the capture of Petersburg. To avoid the loss of the 
three great southern roads (to Danville, to Weldon, 
and the south-side road), and the loss of Richmond, 
Lee would have been forced to break up from be- 
fore Grant and march at once southward. The 
chance was missed; the demonstration of Butler 
failed; Beauregard arrived with an army, and soon 

^ Butler's Book, 649; for W. F. Smith's opinion, see Battles and 
Leaders, IV., 206. ^ lYar Records, Serial No. 68, p. 35. 


attacked successfully at Drewry's Bluff. The Army 
of the James, instead of affording the help upon 
which Grant had counted, was presently "bottled 
up" * at Bermuda Hundred, as Grant later put it, 
quite safe, but also quite unable to trouble the 
peace of Richmond. 

Meanwhile, Grant, struggling in his dreadful grap- 
ple with Lee, reached out as it were to the south, 
hoping to grasp the help for which he had made 
provision. As campaign followed campaign, the 
cavalry of the Army of the Potomac had constantly 
grown in usefulness, until now it was a formidable 
arm. Though Pleasonton, who had led it with 
credit, and Buford, who had done so well at Gettys- 
burg, had now disappeared, Averill was doing good 
service with Crook in southwestern Virginia; and 
Kilpatrick was soon to distinguish himself in Geor- 
gia. Several forceful young officers worked to the 
front — D. M. Gregg, Wesley Merritt, James H. Wil- 
son, and George A. Custer. Grant was bent upon 
having his troopers under the best leadership, and 
placed Sheridan in command here, the only com- 
rade from the West (except Rawlins) whom he had 
at his side in any prominent position in the Army 
of the Potomac. Meade's army remained entirely 
under its old generals, except that at the head of 
the cavalry rode Philip H. Sheridan, last seen by us 
mounted upon the cannon at the climax of the bat- 
tle of Missionary Ridge. 

^ Grant, Personal Memoirs, II., 75, 

VOL. XXI. — 7 


As Grant, among almost total strangers, found 
his environment not altogether congenial or fortu- 
nate, so Sheridan at first was ill at ease and not 
quite well received. He had in the Wilderness a 
quarrel with Meade, in the heat of which he threw 
up his command, but Grant interfered to prevent.* 
In the woods the cavalry found small opportunity. 
The embarrassing thickets, filled with infantry, 
army wagons, and guns, left little scope for horse- 
men along the encumbered tracks; but at Todd's 
Tavern, near where Hancock received the blow from 
Longstreet, Sheridan measured swords with Stuart 
to some purpose. The latter was a factor whom 
Grant was anxious to eliminate from the game; 
great harm, too, would come to Lee if the railroad 
between him and Richmond could be cut; above all, 
it was important to connect with Butler, who was 
relied upon to encircle Richmond on the south about 
this time. 

All this Sheridan must do, and May 9, eluding the 
divisions of Lee as they manoeuvred for the defence 
of Spottsylvania Court House, he was soon far on 
his way. Reaching the Virginia Central Railroad, 
Custer tore up ten miles of track, wrecking at the 
same time locomotives, cars, stations, and supplies; 
and soon after, in like fashion, the road from Rich- 
mond to Fredericksburg was broken up. Sheridan 
now hastened towards Richmond, within six miles 
of which, at Yellow Tavern, he encountered Stuart, 
* Sheridan, Personal Memoirs, I., 368. 



prompt and bold in his defence. A hard battle en- 
sued, in which, while the skill and gallantry were 
equal, the Federal superiority in numbers told 
powerfully. The Confederates were defeated, Stuart 
himself being among the slain, a loss to the South 
hardly less than that of Stonewall Jackson.^ 

The battle over, Sheridan pursued the division 
of Fitzhugh Lee nearly to Richmond, pausing only 
when the inner intrenchments were reached. Had 
the Army of the James enveloped the city on the 
south, as it might so easily have done, the hand ex- 
tended by Grant would have met here a friendly 
clasp. As it was, Sheridan could do nothing more 
than elude his many foes, on the battle-fields of 
two years before, coming down at last by devious 
paths to Harrison's Landing, McClellan's old camps 
on the James, with Butler opposite at Bermuda 
Htmdred. A week had passed since the raid began ; 
in another week the cavalry returned, Sheridan re- 
porting to his chief May 24. 

In the interval Grant was marching and ma- 
noeuvring widely. Another move about the flank 
of Lee brought the Army of the Potomac to the 
North Anna, where its great adversary with fault- 
less management. May 23, blocked its path once 
more behind impregnable defences. Yet another 
march brought Grant to the Chickahominy, with 
Richmond almost in sight, but still unattainable. 
The ground now occupied was precisely that of the 
^ McClellan, /, K, B. Sttujrt, chap. xx. 


early operations of the "Seven Days," but the two 
armies had exchanged positions : while Lee held the 
. neighborhood of Gaines's Mill, and the line which 
Meade, as a brigadier in the Pennsylvania reserves, 
had then maintained against A. P. Hill, Meade 
now ranged the Army of the Potomac near Cold 
Harbor, on an area over which Stonewall Jackson 
and D. H. Hill had advanced to attack Fitz-John 

The scene awoke sombre memories in the minds 
of those much-tried veterans, whose associations 
with this region were of the darkest. Lee stood at 
Cold Harbor, intrenched more firmly than ever. 
Since May 4, when the campaign began, the Federals 
had made almost as many desperate assaults upon 
impregnable positions as there were days; and all 
to no purpose. It is probably Grant's worst mis- 
take, one that always hung heavy upon his heart, 
that he here resolved upon still another attack in 
front." The Eighteenth Corps, under W. F. Smith, 
lying idle at Bermuda Hundred after Butler's fail- 
ure, had been transferred to the Army of the Poto- 
mac, now badly in need of reinforcements. As the 
Federals reconnoitred, no sign appeared that the 
confronting works were assailable: but with mad 
recklessness, on June 3 an assault was ordered "all 
along the line." The obedience and gallantry were 
unhesitating, the soldiers sometimes pathetically 

1 Hosmer, Appeal to Arms {Am. Nation, XX.), 58. 

2 Grant, Personal Memoirs, II., 171. 


pinning papers inscribed with their names to their 
clothes that their bodies might later be identified. 
The failure was utter. Barlow, with the first divi- 
sion of the now more than decimated Second Corps, 
effected a lodgement, as he had within the Spottsyl- 
vania salient three weeks before: but it was only 
for a moment; the line recoiled, leaving upon the 
earth about twelve thousand dead and wounded 
men.* Grant, with determination almost insane, 
would once more have applied the hammer, whose 
smiting head was not of steel, but flesh and blood; 
his second thought was better and he desisted. The 
Army of the Potomac lost in killed, wounded, or 
captured, in the interval from the crossing of the 
Rapidan to its arrival in June, near the James, 
54,926 men. That Grant showed inhumanity tow- 
ards his wounded at Cold Harbor is an accusation 
without good foundation. 2 During the week after 
the assault of Cold Harbor, Grant and his men, 
baffled and depressed, marched once more south- 
ward by the left, crossing the James, June 14, at 
City Point. 

June 6, Hunter, who succeeded Sigel in the 
Shenandoah Valley, won a victory at Piedmont, 
which made him master of the valley. June 8, he 
made a junction at Staunton with Crook and Averell, 

* Livermore, Numbers and Losses, 114. 

^War Records, Serial No. 67, p. 188; see correspondence be- 
tween Grant and Lee, War Records, Serial No. 69, pp. 638, 639, 
666, 667; discussion by Colonel T. L. Livermore, Military Hist. 
Soc. of Mass., Papers, IV., 457. 


from southwestern Virginia, marching thence with 
promptness by Lexington to Lynchburg, before 
which city he arrived on the i6th. The hope of its 
capture, however, failed; for Lee, alarmed, sent 
Breckinridge in haste back to the valley ; and, more 
important, despatched Ewell's corps, twelve thou- 
sand of his best men, under Early, to meet Hunter. 
Grant, too, was watchful, sending off Sheridan with 
two divisions towards Charlottesville to succor Him- 
ter, whose whereabouts was uncertain. Sheridan 
was forced to return without finding him, but 
damaged as he could the Virginia Central Rail- 
road, and fought a sharp cavalry battle with Wade 
Hampton and Fitzhugh Lee, June 11, at Trevilian's 
Station. Hunter, unsupported, living off the coun- 
try, and out of ammunition, retired to the Ohio 
River; whereupon Early set forth on an enterprise 
to be mentioned presently.^ 

The Eighteenth Corps was no sooner back at City 
Point, after Cold Harbor, than it was sent against 
the defences of Petersburg, believed to be not 
strongly held. W. F. Smith attacked June 15, but 
not boldly; Hancock, who brought up the Second 
Corps to his aid, through some oversight of Meade 
not being informed what he was to do, failed to 
carry out Grant's purpose.^ Petersburg might easily 
have been captured. On the i6th, however, the 

* War Records, Serial Nos. 70, 71. 

2 Grant, Personal Memoirs, II., 189; but see Pennypacker, 
Meade, 322, and Bache, Meade, 467. 


works were manned, and when the Federal onset 
at last came it was beaten back. Nor was Grant 
more successful in his efforts to capture the rail- 
roads. On the Weldon road, June 22, A. P. Hill 
foiled an attempt at seizure, defeating badly the 
Second Corps, for the time without the leadership of 
Hancock, whose Gettysburg wound had opened 
afresh. Wilson, with the cavalry, was not more 
fortunate, for though he tore up many miles of track 
on both the South Side and Danville railroads, the 
damage was soon repaired, and the expedition 
got back only through hard fighting with serious 

Drought set in, during which the roads grew 
heavy with dust, and the marching columns could 
scarcely find water: but this put no bar upon the 
warfare. Down the valley turnpike, Early with his 
twelve thousand men marched, crossing the Potomac 
and throwing Washington and the North into panic 
after the old fashion of Stonewall Jackson. Grant 
hastily despatched the Sixth Corps on transports 
from the James ; and the Nineteenth Corps just ar- 
rived at Fortress Monroe from Louisiana. July 
8, Lew Wallace, with one division of the Sixth Corps 
and an improvised army of militia, clerks, convales- 
cents, whatever could be gathered about Baltimore 
at a day's notice, made a brave stand at the Monoc- 
acy near Frederick. He was defeated, but Grant de- 
clared the defeat was worth many victories, for Early 
1 War Records, Serial Nos. 80-82. 


there lost a day, which saved the capital.* July 11, 
Early was in the northern suburbs of Washington, but 
as he hesitated before the bold front of the handful 
that manned the works, the Sixth and Nineteenth 
Corps, just arrived, occupied the lines. It was the 
last, and also the worst, scare which the city under- 
went . Early retired to the valley, but not to inaction . ^ 
One more mortification occurred for Grant and 
the Army of the Potomac in this gloomy mid- 
summer. A regiment of Pennsylvania coal-miners, 
directed by their lieutenant-colonel, Henry Pleasants, 
constructed a mine under a part of the Petersburg 
intrenchments, which, July 30, was ready for ex- 
plosion. Grant declares that most careful direc- 
tions were laid down, which, if followed, would have 
made sure the capture of the city through the 
breach, during the resulting panic. The mismanage- 
ment, for which Burnside was mainly accused, was 
almost incredible: the preparations ordered were 
neglected; for the storming column inferior troops 
with an incapable general were selected. The mine 
exploded with an effect of which even to-day, after 
forty years, the so-called crater is an appalling 
evidence, and the way was clear to the heart of the 
city. But the stormers, instead of advancing, hud- 
dled into the crater, while the appointed leader 
sheltered himself in a bom.b-proof in the rear. The 

* Grant, Personal Memoirs, II., 196, 197. 
2 War Records, Serial No. 70 (Lynchburg and Shenandoah 
Valley Campaigns) . 


defenders soon recovered spirit, the division of 
Mahone being in the front. About four thousand 
Federals were sacrificed and no advantage gained.^ 
The Federals had now sacrificed, before and 
about Petersburg, more than fifteen thousand men, 
and it was sadly significant that the loss in prisoners 
was sometimes very large as compared with the 
casualties. It meant that the Army of the Potomac 
had deteriorated : the fighters of the Wilderness and 
Spottsylvania were slain or crushed in spirit; while 
the fiood of recruits that kept the numbers full, men 
obtained by the draft, and substitutes gained by 
high bounties, were not the stuff for soldiers. When 
discouragement was deepest, Sheridan was appoint- 
ed, August 7, to command the army in the valley of 
Virginia, a new military division being constituted. 
The stifling and melancholy summer approached its 
end; but as to Virginia there was no lifting of the 
anxiety. Many causes might be assigned for the 
Federal failures, but the chief one was the devotion 
and bravery of the southern troops and the ex- 
traordinary ability with which they were directed. 

1 Grant, Personal Memoirs, II., 202; War Records, Serial Nos. 
81, 82 (Court of Inquiry) ; Committee on the Conduct of the War, 
Report, 1864-1865, pt. i., 525. For the controversy over Grant's 
campaign of 1864, see Ropes, " Grant's Campaign in Va. in 1864," 
Military Hist. Soc. of Mass., Papers, IV., 363; McClellan, Grant 
versus the Record; Badeau, Military Hist, of Grant, II.; Liver- 
more, "Grant's Campaign against Lee," Military Hist. Soc. of 
Mass., Papers, IV., 407; C. F. Adams, Some Phases of the Civil 
War, 32-46; Humphreys, Virginia Campaign of '64 and '6^; 
Henderson, Science of War, chap, xi.; Long, Lee, chap. xvii. 


(May, 1864-AuGUST, 1864) 

SHERMAN, in 1864, was early active. Febru- 
ary 3 he marched from Vicksburg with twenty 
thousand men for Meridian, in eastern Mississippi, 
where the Mobile and Ohio railroad crosses the line 
from Jackson eastward, forming an important stra- 
tegic point which Polk had been set to guard. Sher- 
man directed matters with characteristic energy, de- 
stroying the roads and the Confederate resources 
in a region till then not reached by Federal power; 
but he failed in his hopes to dispose of Forrest, who 
frustrated the efforts of a cavalry column from 
Tennessee.^ The elevation of Grant to supreme 
command brought promotion to Sherman: March 
18 he assumed his large responsibilities — the con- 
trol of four great western armies, with headquarters 
at Chattanooga.^ 

The Confederate leaders were in anxious consulta- 
tion over plans for retrieving the disasters of 1863, 
no one of which plans seemed so promising as a 

* W. T. Sherman, Memoirs, I., 418 et seq. 
Ubid., II., 5. 


combined and rapid movement northward towards 
the Ohio River. In this, Bragg's old **Army of 
Tennessee," uniting with Longstreet, and receiving 
other reinforcement, it was beHeved might occupy 
middle Tennessee and Kentucky, and draw north- 
ward the Federal armies whose range in the South 
had become so wide. Davis and his new chief of 
staff, Bragg, as well as Lee, Longstreet, Hood, and 
other energetic spirits, regarded such an enterprise 
as hopeful : ^ but it was never entered upon, prob- 
ably because Johnston, who succeeded Bragg in the 
command in the Mississippi Valley, was too cautious 
to make a rash movement. Many obstacles must 
be removed before such a scheme could be prudent- 
ly undertaken. While the consultation progressed, 
the initiative went to the Federals, and the cam- 
paign took place in the South and not in the North. 
Longstreet, as we have seen, returned to Lee: while 
Johnston concentrated to meet what stood before 

The Confederacy had been sundered the previous 
year by the capture of the Mississippi River; the 
new Federal scheme was to sunder it once more by 
driving a line of conquest southward to the impor- 
tant city of Atlanta, and thence still farther into the 
Confederacy.^ To accomplish this task, to Sherman 

^ Hood, Advance and Retreat, 88 et seq. ; Longstreet, From 
Manassas to Appomattox, 544; Johnston, Narrative, chap, x.; 
Davis, Confed. Government, II., 548. 

2 War Records, Serial No. 72, p. 3 (Grant's Report). 


were assigned nearly a hundred thousand infantry, 
comprising the Army of the Cumberland, under 
Thomas, of sixty thousand; the army of the Ten- 
nessee, under MePherson (who now succeeded Sher- 
man in that post) , of twenty-five thousand ; and the 
Army of the Ohio, of fifteen thousand; besides 
cavalry and 254 guns/ The Army of the Ohio was 
under John M. Schofield, a new commander who 
now comes into the foreground. He was of the 
West Point class of 1853, in which MePherson had 
been first scholar, Schofield sixth, Sheridan thirty- 
fourth, and Hood forty -fourth.^ He had filled 
a post which was full of trouble in administering 
the Department of Missouri, where the enemy was 
scarcely more annoying than the jarring local fac- 
tions. This work he had gladly given up shortly 
before, to accept command in east Tennessee; and 
now he led his army to Sherman's side, where he 
was to prove himself a good soldier. 

Johnston stood some thirty miles south, with 
Dalton for a centre, his army in two corps under 
Hardee and Hood : early in the campaign the num- 
ber was raised to seventy-five thousand by the 
arrival of the corps of Polk from Mississippi, and 
by other reinforcements.^ He had an efficient force 
of cavalry under Wheeler. Both armies were made 
up for the most part of seasoned veterans : the corps 

* Livermore, Numbers and Losses, 119. 

2 Cullum, Register of U. S. Mil. Acad., arts. Schofield, etc. 

3 Battles and Leaders, IV., 247 et seq. 


commanders on both sides were men sifted out for 
their positions through the severest experience: in 
the subordinate ranks the rawness of the earHer 
years disappeared. The proportion of the Con- 
federates to the Federals was about seven to ten. 
Operating, as the Confederates did, in a famiHar 
and friendly country, on interior lines, on the de- 
fensive, against a foe hundreds of miles from his 
base, in a hostile country and always the assailant, 
their inferiority in numbers was balanced by the 
advantages of position. 

Sherman and Johnston had already proved them- 
selves great leaders, but as they stood now face to 
face, they were in some ways strongly contrasted. 
Sherman was forty-four years old, tall, lithe, erect, 
thrilling with vitality, quick to impatience, but 
genial, every sentence and gesture indicating alert- 
ness of mind and soundness of judgment. Ag- 
gressiveness was very apparent in him — the quali- 
ties of an offensive leader. Johnston, whose mother 
was a niece of Patrick Henry, was fifty-seven years 
old, below the middle height, compact in build, cold 
in manner, of measured, accurate speech, a dark, 
firm face surmounted by an intellectual forehead. 
He was quite at ease under his high responsibilities.^ 
The wounds received at Fair Oaks were now thor- 
oughly healed, and he was in full vigor. As Sher- 
man was in temperament very sanguine, Johnston 
by nature and through experience was cautious 
^ Freeman tie, Three Months in the Southern States, 116. 


and wary. While dominating his environment by- 
ability and weight of character, he did not invite 
friendships ; he exacted deference and a recognition 
of his authority, and when these were withheld 
became disputatious. He was always at cross-pur- 
poses with some one, and his Narrative is one long 
controversy, on the one hand with Jefferson Davis 
and the Richmond superiors, on the other with 
subordinates who ventured to dispute the wisdom 
of his methods. With so much wariness a defensive 
attitude would be the natural outcome; and this 
campaign was destined to secure for Johnston a high 
place as a Fabian. 

While the Federal army was numerous and well 
equipped, it had in truth enormous difficulties to 
face. The region in which it operated, northern 
Georgia, was wooded and mountainous, in great part 
thinly settled, and quite unsurveyed and unmapped. 
The hundred thousand men, with thirty or forty 
thousand animals, must be supplied mostly from 
the Ohio River, by a single track of railroad running 
from Louisville to a great permanent depot at Nash- 
ville; thence to Chattanooga to a secondary depot; 
thence on towards Atlanta. Up to the very pre- 
cincts of Louisville, these communications were ex- 
posed to the enemy, even while Sherman was pre- 
paring to start. Forrest, now developed into a 
matchless commander of cavalry, appeared at Pa- 
ducah on the Ohio River; this time he was beaten 
off, his troopers capturing Fort Pillow as they re- 


tired, April 13, and refusing quarter to the negro 
soldiers in its garrison.^ His return even thus far 
north was to be feared; while as regards the more 
southern stretches, the line betw^een Nashville and 
Chattanooga was certain to be often attacked, and 
below Chattanooga might be broken any day. 

Along this thread of connection, one hundred and 
thirty cars, carrying ten tons each, must proceed 
every day, in order that Sherman's army might be 
fed and clothed; a still larger service must be pro- 
vided if supplies were to be accumulated against a 
blockade. To preserve this vital cord every possible 
arrangement was made; heavy detachments were 
stationed in the important towns; guards sheltered 
in block -houses watched every important bridge 
and culvert.^ Two men from civil life, carefully 
selected, were appointed to superintend. Since the 
work of these men was quite as important as that 
of generals in the field, they should be honored in 
the record. W. W. Wright was a constructing en- 
gineer, to whom the rank of colonel was given for 
convenience, together with a force of two thousand 
men. His task was to keep the road in repair, a 
duty thoroughly performed. The destruction from 
natural wear and tear, in track and rolling-stock, 
necessarily great in view of the demands, was made 
good without delay ; while the wreck made by raiders 
and the retiring enemy, of bridges, rails, tanks, and 

^ War Records, Serial No. 57, p. 518 et seq. 
^ W. T. Sherman, Memoirs, II., 10. 


locomotives, was repaired as if by magic, from du- 
plicate material kept on hand. The telegraph fol- 
lowed the army even to the battle-field, the elec- 
tricians carrying wire and insulators in wagons up 
to the firing-line. Along the road thus held open 
by Colonel Wright, a skilled railroad operator. Colo- 
nel Adna Anderson, directed the passage of thou- 
sands of tons demanded for every day's consump- 
tion, with such promptness that the army was never 
in a strait.* 

The beginning of May, 1864, came before the many 
absent troops (furloughed for a month, it will be 
remembered, on condition that they should "veter- 
anize") were fully returned to the ranks; but Sher- 
man set forth ^ on the day appointed in conference 
with Grant, May 3. Two days later he faced John- 
ston, intrenched at Dal ton, the Army of the Cum- 
berland in the centre and the Army of the Ohio to 
the east, while to the Army of the Tennessee was 
assigned the work of flanking the Confederate left, 
the first manoeuvre of the campaign. 

The enemy was much too strong to be attacked in 
front ; but when it presently appeared that his posi- 
tion might be turned, McPherson made his way 
through Snake Creek Gap towards Johnston's rear, 
threatening his communications at Resaca and 
opening a path for the whole Federal army about 
the Confederate left. Johnston thereupon aban- 

* Cox, Military Reminiscences, II., io6. 

^War Records, Serial Nos. 72-76 (Atlanta Campaign). 


doned Dalton, retiring southward to Resaca, where 
he occupied strong works previously constructed, 
and faced his foe again. Such was the procedure 
during nearly two months, Johnston slowly falling 
back from position to position, each a stronghold 
skilfully selected and fortified beforehand; out of 
each one of which in turn he was flanked by Sher- 
man. Two months of such fighting brought the 
army, after a progress of more than a hundred miles, 
in sight of Atlanta. Let it be noted that in the con- 
temporaneous Virginia campaign, though Lee once, 
in the battle of the Wilderness, attacked fiercely, 
almost recklessly, he afterwards, like Johnston, re- 
tired and fortified, while Grant outflanked him until 
Richmond was at hand. The two campaigns were 
essentially alike. 

Sherman believed that McPherson made an error 
in not attacking Resaca. That point on his ap- 
proach was but weakly held, and might have been 
captured.^ As it was, the Federals gained small ad- 
vantage : here, too, Johnston was still further favored, 
for Polk reinforced him from the west. 

Two streams large enough to obstruct an army, 
the Oostanaula and the Etowah, now crossed Sher- 
man's path ; running southwest the streams unite to 
form the Coosa River, at which point stands Rome, 

I a Confederate centre for supplies and manufactures. 

I Sherman crossing the Oostanaula, May 15, captured 
Rome, and through the cotmtry eastward, more 
^ W. T. Sherman, Memoirs, II., 34. 

VOL. XXI — 8 


open than the Dalton neighborhood, again threat- 
ened Johnston's Hne of supply. The latter fell back 
as before, yielding Calhoun, Adairsville, and King- 
ston, and giving no opportunity for attack.^ Sher- 
man, most anxious for a battle on open ground, 
where his superior numbers would tell, ran risks to 
invite an encounter. May 18, at Cassville, his corps 
became somewhat perilously separated as they 
marched; and Johnston, who was eagerly watching 
for a false step, prepared to attack. Polk and Hood, 
who felt their troops were ill-placed, dissuaded him, 
preventing a stroke that might have been successful.^ 
A week after, at New Hope Church, Howard with 
the Fourth Corps, and Hooker with the Twentieth 
(into which had been consolidated the old Eleventh 
and Twelfth), assaulted unsuccessfully the strongly 
intrenched Confederates. May 28, Hardee attacked 
the Federals with no better success.^ In the ma- 
noeuvres which follow^ed, Sherman seized the railroad 
to Atlanta, crossing the Etowah, and establishing a 
depot at Acworth. Johnston withdrew to the neigh- 
borhood of Marietta. 

In the almost constant skirmishing and battles of 
this first month of the campaign, the Federal loss in 
killed, wounded, and missing, was little short of 
twelve thousand, while that of the Confederates ap- 

* Cox, Atlanta, chap. vi. 

2 W. T. Sherman, Memoirs, II., 65; Johnston, Narrative, 323; 
Hood, Advance and Retreat, chaps, v., vi. 

3 Cox, Atlanta, 84. 


proached ten thousand. The Federal number was 
kept up by the arrival of the Seventeenth Corps, 
under Frank P. Blair. While Sherman had gained 
much ground, as yet he had won no permanent ad- 
vantage, and his operations seemed no more effective 
than did those of Grant at the same moment in Vir- 
ginia. Meantime his connection with the Ohio, 
maintained by the slender line of railroad through 
Georgia, Tennessee, and Kentucky, grew more pre- 
carious with each advance. 

The prudent Johnston had the fact well in view, 
that the halting progress of the Federal armies both 
in East and West was powerfully stimulating dis- 
affection throughout the North; he believed if he 
could hold his own for a while longer, he might do 
much to bring about the downfall of the Lincoln 
administration in the presidential campaign now at 
hand.^ In June, severe rains prevailed, during which 
the streams became floods and the country a morass. 
While Sherman with his mired corps was prohibited 
from action, Johnston stood before Marietta on Kene- 
saw Mountain and heights adjoining. As hereto- 
fore, his engineers planned well, and having at 
comm.and the Georgia militia and thousands of im- 
pressed negroes, he had prepared in advance a shel- 
ter for the Confederate army. The respite gained 
through the storms was used to make the works 
more than ever formidable. Sherman, fuming at 
delay, apprehending attacks upon his communica- 
^ Johnston, Narrative, 363. 


tions by Johnston's unemployed men, or, indeed, the 
detachment of a force to Lee in Virginia, which he 
was especially charged to prevent, resolved upon a 
direct assault. 

At this moment disappears from the stage Lieu- 
tenant-general Leonidas Polk. While a cadet at 
West Point, he was converted under the influence 
of the chaplain. Reverend C. P. Mcllvaine, after- 
wards bishop of Ohio, taking orders after graduation 
in the Protestant Episcopal Church, and becoming 
bishop of Louisiana.^ He early took up arms for 
the South, not relinquishing his sacred ofQce. It 
throws an interesting light upon the men w4th whom 
we are dealing to read that a few days before his 
death, as they were riding together, the bishop was 
told by his fellow lieutenant-general. Hood, that he 
had never been received into the communion of 
the church, and he begged that the rite might be 
performed.^ The bishop arranged for the cere- 
mony at once — at Hood's headquarters, a tallow 
candle giving light, the font a tin basin on the 
mess-table. The staff were there as witnesses ; Hood, 
"with a face like that of an old crusader,"^ stood 
before the bishop. Crippled by wounds received at 
Gaines's Mill, at Gettysburg, and at Chickamauga, 
the warrior could not kneel, but bent forward on his 
crutches. The bishop, not robed, but girt with his 

^ Cullum, Register of U. S. Military Acad., art. Polk. 

2 W. M. Polk, Leonidas Polk, II,, 329, 330. 

3 Mrs. Chesnut, Diary from Dixie, 230. 


soldier's belt, administered the rite. A few days 
later Johnston was baptized in the same simple 
way. Now the bishop's time had come: June 14, 
while reconnoitring on Pine Mountain, a Federal 
cannon-ball struck him full upon the breast and 
his life of devotion was ended. 

As June drew near its end, the sun shone out, the 
roads dried, and Sherman resumed activity. Rest- 
lessly reconnoitring the hostile lines, he fixed upon 
the point which seemed weakest, and on June 27, 
1864, the assault was delivered with a loss of two 
thousand;^ the failure was complete; whereupon 
Sherman, making the best of the roads now becom- 
ing firm, returned to his former methods. Manoeu- 
vring again by the right, he presently crossed the 
Chattahoochee, a considerable stream, and now had 
Atlanta in full view. But the unconquered John- 
ston anticipated him; withdrawing as before, he 
occupied previously prepared lines more formidable 
than ever. 

During the second month of this campaign, the 
tale of Sherman's loss in killed, wounded, and miss- 
ing was seven thousand five hundred; for the Con- 
federates, probably seven thousand.^ Aside from 
the great battle at Kenesaw, the skirmishing in the 
rain had been constant ; and although at this stage of 
the war even the skirmish-line was elaborately forti- 
fied as soon as occupied, so close and deadly was the 
conflict that a daily average of two hundred went 

^ Livermore, Numbers and Losses, 121. ^ Cox, Atlanta, 351. 


to grave and hospital. Yet the temper of both 
armies remained buoyant; neither entertained the 
thought of failure; each followed its general with 
confidence unshaken. 

The weight of authority favors the view that the 
retreat of Johnston before Sherman was a master- 
stroke of military art, and that his removal from 
command, which now took place, was a grave calam- 
ity to the Confederacy, and one of the worst of 
many blunders committed by Jefferson Davis in his 
delusion that he possessed good military judgment.* 
Hood, who was appointed to succeed Johnston, 
criticised this policy severely, and Davis presents 
his side with dignity and force. ^ In truth, the course 
of the Richmond government can be palliated; 
Johnston, estranged from them, while serving them 
ably and with perfect fidelity, maintained always 
an attitude sullen and unfriendly. While reporting 
with exactness what happened, he was silent as to 
his expectations and purposes — a reticence which 
irritated and embarrassed. A little frankness and 
sympathy on his part towards Bragg and Davis, 
whom he left in doubt as to whether or not he 
meant to defend Atlanta, would probably have 
kept him in his place. ^ 

* See Wood and Edmonds, Civil War in U. 5., 392; testi- 
mony of Hardee and Stewart, corps commanders, in Johnston, 
Narrative, 365 et seq. ; Pollard, Lost Cause, 543. 

2 Hood, Advance and Retreat, chaps, iv.-ix.; Davis, Confed. 
Government, 11., chap, xlviii. 

^ Cox, Military Reminiscences, 11., 275. 


From Sherman down, there was not a man in the 
Federal army who did not hear with joy that John- 
ston was no longer in command ; and it is impossible 
to read his Narrative without feeling that the cause 
of the Union escaped a great peril. Four hundred 
miles now stretched between Sherman's hundred 
thousand men and their base at Louisville, the line 
throughout open to attack, with troopers like For- 
rest sure to be let loose upon the communications. 
Johnston was displaced for doing in Georgia pre- 
cisely what in Virginia had added to the fame of 
Lee — falling back upon the post he was set to de- 
fend, while his adversary with enormous waste of 
life and resources was no nearer beating the army 
or capturing the city. Johnston insisted upon the 
wisdom of protracting the campaign with reference 
to its effect upon the northern presidential election. 
Had Atlanta been held during the fall by a con- 
tinuance of this Fabian policy, probably the party 
which at the North declared the war to be a fail- 
ure would have come into power, and the cause 
of the South might have secured a new consider- 

Johnston's policy was not purely defensive. He 
hoped and watched from the first for a moment 
when his adversary would lay himself open and he 
might strike with effect. At Cassville came this op- 
portunity, missed through the reluctance of his lieu- 
tenants to run the risk. A second chance opened 
^ Johnston, Narrative, 355 et seq. 


before Atlanta, in the very moment of his dismissal, 
and Johnston confided his plan to Hood, as the 
latter stepped into his place. Sherman's three 
armies now immediately before the city, advancing 
near Peach-Tree Creek, became separated, a wide 
gap opening between Thomas and McPherson. 
Hood, assuming command on July 18, 1864, following 
his predecessor's suggestion, on the 20th threw his 
army into the opening, to the great peril of Sher- 
man. Hood had courage, but never great skill, 
and was beaten off by severe fighting; Johnston 
would have done better. July 22, Hood tried again 
in the northern suburbs of Atlanta. Hardee, get- 
ting into the rear of the Army of the Tennessee, made 
an attack of which the issue was for a time doubtful. 
McPherson, in the moment of surprise, rode into 
the skirmish-line of Cleburne's advancing division. 
They called to him to surrender; but raising his 
hat as if in salute, he turned his horse to gallop 
away, but fell with a mortal wound. 

This was the worst calamity of the day, but there 
was a heavy sacrifice of less important lives before 
the battle ended. A week later, July 28, while 
Sherman, reaching out to the southwest, attempted 
to seize the railroads on which Atlanta depended. 
Hood delivered a third blow at Ezra Church — but 
like the rest it was manfully encountered and 
turned aside, again by the Army of the Tennessee, ' 
with Howard at the head in place of McPherson. 
Hood's aggressive policy was not resvilting well, his 


own losses for July being larger than those he 
inflicted. August, like July, was a month of severe 
fighting. Stoneman, despatched southward with 
cavalry, in the hope that besides injuring the enemy 
he might reach Andersonville and set free the thirty- 
two thousand prisoners whose condition was a mat- 
ter of great concern to the North, quite failed of 
large results. To save his main force, he sacrificed 
himself with a few followers, facing imprisonment — 
"a chivalrous act, which did not make impression 
when it afterwards appeared that the surrender was 
to an inferior force, and quite needless.^ At the 
end of the month there were severe encounters 
about Jonesboro, Sherman struggling as before to 
cut off Hood from Macon and Montgomery as he 
had already done from Augusta. September i, 
Atlanta was still holding out; Lincoln's anxiety 
had not ceased, and the people feared that the out- 
pour of blood and treasure in Georgia, as well as in 
Virginia, would lead to no result. Since the advance 
from Chattanooga, Sherman had lost thirty-five 
thousand men, while inflicting upon his enemy a 
loss as heavy. It was a time of great darkness, 
and the country knew not that it was the darkness ■ 
that precedes the daw^n. On August 3 1 , the Demo- 
cratic convention at Chicago adjourned after pro- 
claiming that the war was a failure,^ and on that 
day it seemed to the world that neither Grant nor 

* Cox, Atlanta, 189. 

2 McPherson, Polit. Hist, of the Great Rebellion, 417. 


Sherman had accomplished anything to prove the 
declaration false. Just in time, September 2, came 
the sunburst: Hood evacuated Atlanta, and the 
Twentieth Federal Corps took possession. 



WHEN once the country was involved in war, 
debate became secondary to the wielding of 
weapons: but from the first there were underlying 
difficulties which must come up if the Federal gov- 
ernment finally asserted its supremacy. Was the 
arbitrary control of individuals in the North, away 
from the scene of hostilities, to have the ultimate 
sanction of the supreme court and of public opinion ? 
Were those engaged in making war on the United 
States ultimately to be put on civil trial for treason ? 
Were the enactments and executive acts against 
slavery, forged in the heat of contest, to stand after 
peace should be restored ? Were the states, as fast 
as they acknowledged the impossibility of getting 
out of the Union, to be restored at once to their 
former status? 

The extent of the war powers of the government 
was a question warmly discussed in Congress and 
outside. One writer on the subject gravely claimed 
that, ''It was intended by . . . the Constitution . . . 
that the powers of Government in dealing with 


civil rights in time of peace should be defined and 
limited: but the powers to provide for the general 
welfare and the common defence in time of war 
should be unlimited." ^ During 1863 the suspen- 
sion of the habeas corpus, and other invasions of 
ordinary private rights, were regulated by statute 
and by practice; the president's earlier acts were 
covered by a kind of statute of indemnity, his au- 
thority to suspend the habeas corpus definitely ad- 
mitted: but the sentiment of the cotmtry was 
against arrest and confinement without some spe- 
cific charge. Nevertheless, conduct in the govern- 
ment, which at first appeared arbitrary, thenceforth 
passed unchallenged.^ 

As for slavery, the Republican majority in the 
House in 1 863-1 864, though only twenty, was 
radical and energetic. Not satisfied even with the 
Proclamation of Emancipation, on December 14, 
1863, James M. Ashley, of Ohio, like Lincoln tall and 
uncouth, but possessed of political shrewdness and 
moral earnestness, introduced a momentous measure 
— namely, to submit to the states in proper consti- 
tutional fashion, with the approval of two-thirds in 
each House of Congress, a thirteenth amendment 
to the Constitution abolishing slavery in the United 

* Whiting, War Powers and the Constitution, 27. 
2 Dunning, Essays on' the Civil War, 62. 

^ Cong. Globe, 38 Cong., i Sess., 19; John Sherman, Recollec- 
lions, 277 et seq. 


When the war began, not one-tenth of the people 
of the country would have favored immediate and 
unconditional abolition; but in the three years' 
struggle sentiment ripened rapidly.^ Congress was 
throughout much in advance of the people; while 
the president held in check the legislature, he also 
counselled and led the country, which in the school 
of events was learning that he was the main agent 
to bring about a happy consimimation. The meas- 
ure of Ashley was referred to the judiciary com- 
mittee, which at a later date recommended its sub- 
stance as a thirteenth amendment: a test vote on 
a resolution to table stood 79 for the amendment 
and 58 against it, an evidence that a two-thirds vote 
in favor of such a measure could not be secured in 
the House. 

January 13, 1864, Senator John B. Henderson, of 
Missouri, proposed in the Senate a joint resolution 
to abolish slavery throughout the United States by 
a thirteenth amendment to the Constitution, which 
February 10 was reported by Lyman Trumbull, of 
Illinois, in these words: ''Neither slavery nor in- 
volimtary servitude, except as a punishment for 
crime w^hereof the party shall have been duly con- 
victed, shall exist in the United States or any place 
subject to their jurisdiction." The spokesman of 
the opposition was Garrett Davis, of Kentucky, who 
proposed to amend by excluding the descendants 
of negroes on the maternal side from all places of 

^ Blaine, Twenty Years, I., 504 et seq. 


office and trust under the government of the United 
States. He proposed at the same time an amend- 
ment (a slap at the section from which so much 
originated of which he disapproved) consoHdating 
the six New England states into two, to be called 
East and West New England. In the debate that 
followed, Trumbull ascribed to slavery the present 
misfortunes of the country, and earnestly pleaded 
for its removal. Clark, of New Hampshire, criti- 
cised the Constitution, lamenting its recognition of 
slavery, to which he also traced the public woe. 
On the other hand, Saulsbury, of Delaware, justified 
slavery from history and Scripture, citing both 
Old and New Testament authority in its sanction; 
while Hendricks, of Indiana, objected to amending 
the Constitution while eleven states were unable to 
make themselves heard in the matter. The debate 
lasted from March 28 to April 8, when a vote of 38 
to 6 in favor of the measure was taken.* 

When Henderson's resolution was submitted to 
the House, issue was again joined, and the test vote 
stood 76 to 55, the necessary two-thirds still want- 
ing. It was, however, vigorously debated, Morris, 
of New York, Ingersoll and Arnold, of Illinois, and 
George S. Bout well, of Massachusetts, standing out 
among the Republicans; while among the Dem- 
ocrats Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania, and 
George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, were especially able. 

^ Cong. Globe, 38 Cong., i Sess., 13 13 et seq.; Blaine, Twenty 
Years, I., 506. 


Randall exclaimed that the policy pursued was 
uniting the South and dividing the North, which 
could not be gainsaid ; ^ while Pendleton argued with 
acuteness that three-fourths of the states could not 
by any technical process either establish or abolish 
slavery in all the states ; that the power to amend 
meant not the power to revolutionize, and it was 
nothing less than a revolution which was under dis- 

The vote on the passage of the amendment, taken 
June 15, 1864, stood 93 to 65 : the bill was evidently 
growing in favor, but did not yet command the 
necessary two-thirds. Ashley, who from the first 
had steered the measure, by an adroit manoeuvre 
made sure of its thorough discussion by the peo- 
ple: he voted with the opposition; then, after the 
announcement, using his parliamentary privilege, 
entered upon the Journal a motion to reconsider 
the vote, and declared that the question should go 
before the country, and that he would bring it up 
in the following December, at the next session.^ 
The matter thus became a live issue in the presi- 
dential canvass just beginning.^ 

The financial situation of the government at the 
opening of the session, December 7, 1863, was de- 
cidedly improved. The amended national bank act 
was in operation ; taxation was beginning to be pro- 
ductive ; the successes at Gettysburg and Vicksburg 

^ Cong. Globe, 38 Cong., i Sess., 2991. 

2 Ibid., 3357. ^ Blaine, Twenty Years, I., 507. 


caused gold to drop, and the five-twenty bonds were 
rapidly taken. The customs duties were producing 
all that had been hoped for: though the returns 
from the internal revenue caused some disappoint- 
ment. But there was no thought in Congress, 
or in the mind of the secretary of the treasury, 
other than to press forward on the lines already 
laid down. Seven hundred and fifty -five million 
dollars was the estimate of what would be re- 
quired before the end of the fiscal year, June 30, 
1864; Chase expected to provide $594,000,000 from 
further loans: additions to the internal revenue 
taxes were expected to yield $150,000,000; $161,- 
500,000 was anticipated from customs duties and 
other ordinary sources.^ To Chase's demand for 
authority to act. Congress responded liberally, as 
John Sherman says, "placing in the power of the 
Government almost unlimited sources of revenue, 
and all necessary expedients for borrowing." ^ On 
March 3, 1864, a new loan act was passed providing 
for an issue of $200,000,000 in bonds :^ the minimum 
period of redemption was placed at ten years and 
the maximum at forty, which gave them the name 
of "ten-forties." Through an error of Chase, who 
set the interest at five instead of six per cent., this 
issue of bonds proved less successful than the five- 
twenties : the total amount sold up to June 30 was 

^ Dewey, Financial Hist, of U. S., 312 et seq. 
2 John Sherman, Recollections, 279. 
8 U. S. Statutes at Large, XIII., 13. 


only $73,337,000. Chase tided over the strait by 
issuing, as he had before, short-term six-per-cent. 
notes, the interest to be compounded, which in- 
vestors took easily, an expedient which caused con- 
tinued anxiety and embarrassment, for these loans 
rapidly matured and had to be renewed/ 

Not only did the laws relating to loans engage 
the serious attention of Congress, but also those 
relating to currency, customs duties, and internal 
taxes. For such legislation the foundation was laid 
by the preceding Congress, but numerous supple- 
menting and correcting acts were passed. The in- 
ternal revenue bill now enacted, June 30, was far 
more comprehensive and searching than its prede- 
cessor: Indeed, every instrument or article to 
which a stamp could be attached was counted in; 
all incomes above six hundred dollars must pay ten 
per cent. ; while licenses were exacted for every call- 
ing, with a minute care that nothing could escape. 
A special income tax of five per cent., in addition to 
the previous tax, was levied to provide bounties for 
enlisting soldiers, but the measure passed only after 
long debate and hesitation, for discontent was feared 
among the people. The tax, however, met with lit- 
tle objection; and in general the internal revenue 
was cheerfully paid, pouring a handsome contribu- 
tion into the national coffers. It was a time of 

* Dewey, Financial Hist, of U. S., 313. 

2 U. S. Statutes at Large, XIII., 223-306; John Sherman, 
Recollections, 278. 

VOL. XXI. — 9 


prosperity; the market was good for everything 
that could be grown or manufactured ; labor was in 

The customs duties were carefully revised and 
much increased by a statute of Jime 3, 1864, the 
consideration of protection to home industries being 
ignored in the immediate need of a heavy revenue. 
Many articles heretofore free became dutiable, and 
a large increase of income at once resulted.^ 

June 3, 1864, Congress carefully went over and 
re-enacted in a new form the national bank legis- 
lation of 1863,^ still with a comptroller of the 
currency in charge of this branch of the treasury. 
Whereas in 1863 sixty-six state banks underwent 
conversion into national banks, in 1864 the number 
was five htmdred and eight. In subsequent years 
the number rapidly increased with the stimulus of 
an act of March 3, 1865, by which state bank issues 
were legislated out of existence by a ten-per-cent. 
annual tax. It was no hardship for any honest in- 
stitution to comply with the conditions, and make 
secure the payment of its circulating notes by a 
deposit with the government. Probably in our 
whole financial history no more beneficent change 
has ever taken place. If, as has been suggested, it 
could not have been brought about except under 
the pressure of war,^ the establishment of the na- 
tional banking system is a make-weight worth men- 

' U. S. Statutes at Large, XIII., 202. Ibid., 99. 

^ Dewey, Financial Hist, of U. S., 323. 


tioning even against the loss and distress of the evil 

It is well to note that the financial managers in 
this session were turning to less objectionable meth- 
ods than the issue of irredeemable paper money. 
By the acts of February 25 and July 11, 1862, and 
January 17, 1863, $450,000,000 greenbacks had been 
authorized, of which $431,000,000 were outstanding. 
As all forms of gold and silver had disappeared, 
small notes, ''fractional currency," in denomina- 
tions running as low as three cents, were authorized, 
March 3, 1863, the amount rising at last to $50,- 
000,000.^ The greenback pervaded life, but no 
more were issued after the summer of 1864.^ It 
was becoming apparent that sotmder expedients 
were possible, and Congress was adopting them. 

The quotation of gold rose during the summer to 
286, indicating a depreciation of paper money to 
about thirty- five per cent, of its face value. The 
best heads were at fault as to what ought to be done. 
A piece of financial legislation which completely 
failed of its end was the gold bill of Jtme 17, 1864,^ 
intended to correct the abuses in the buying and sell- 
ing of gold. The law proved to be worse than useless, 
gold rising in price as never before. The best finan- 
ciers became urgent for its repeal, and fortunately 
there was time for reconsideration before the ses- 
sion closed. The fluctuations in gold, at the time 

^ Dewey, Financial Hist, of U. 5., 310. ^ Ibid., 288. 
^ U. S. Statutes at Large, XIII., 132. 


so much misunderstood, are regarded now as the 
symptoms of the pubUc depression and anxiety: 
when success came, people were no longer alarmed 
lest the greenbacks should become imperilled.^ 

John Sherman declares the devising of the great 
financial schemes, sometimes mistaken but often 
successful, to have been the work of the ways and 
means committee in the House and the finance 
committee in the Senate. They occupied the prin- 
cipal attention of both Houses, and may fairly be 
claimed as successful measures of the highest im- 
portance. I was deeply interested in all of them, 
took an active part in their preparation in com- 
mittee and their conduct in the Senate, and feel 
that the measures adopted contributed largely to 
the triumph of the Union cause." ^ The veteran 
statesman, writing thirty years later, does not claim 
too much. The financiering of the Civil War period 
may properly excite our admiration and gratitude. 
Mistakes were inevitable; but the tremendous tem- 
porary exigency was met, and in some ways the 
financial condition of the country was vastly and 
permanently bettered. 

Of the acts not relating to slavery or finance, 
passed at this session, the more important^ were 
those looking towards greater military efficiency, 
including a new enrolment act, and one creating the 

* Dewey, Financial Hist, of U. S., 297. 

^ John Sherman, Recollections, 281. 

3 U. S. Statutes at Large, XIII., 6, 11, 30, 32, 47, 385. 


office of lieutenant-general, already referred to; en- 
abling acts for statehood for Nevada (March 21,1 864) 
and Nebraska (April 14, 1864); an act to encourage 
immigration (April 19, 1864), which John Sherman 
thinks was justifiable only under the extraordinary 
circimistances prevailing :^ and acts relating to Pacific 
railroads. More liberal grants were bestowed upon 
the roads authorized the previous year; and a new 
enterprise, the Northern Pacific Railroad, to connect 
Lake Superior with Puget Sound, was sanctioned, 
and most liberally endowed from the public lands. ^ 
The most exciting discussion in Congress in the 
session of 1 863-1 864 was upon the status of the 
rebellious states, and resulted in a disagreement 
between the executive and legislative branches of 
the government that threatened at first to wreck 
the administration. The origin of this controversy 
must be traced back to the beginning of the war. 
As a provisional arrangement, to remain in force 
only until the formalities of reorganization could be 
com.pleted, the administration appointed ''military 
governors," "with authority to establish all neces- 
sary officers and tribunals, and suspend the writ of 
habeas corpus, during the pleasure of the president, 
or until the loyal inhabitants of the state shall 
organize a civil government in conformity with the 
constitution of the United States." ^ 

* John Sherman, Recollections, 280. 

^ U. S. Statutes at Large, XIII., 356, 365. 

^ Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, VI., 345. 


No military governor was necessary in Virginia, 
for a minority, after the secession of the state in 

1 86 1, organized a loyal state government, with 
Francis H. Peirpoint at the head; and the senators 
and representatives chosen under this government 
were duly recognized by Congress. Soon after, 
steps were taken for the setting off of the western 
counties, and in 1862 was organized the new state 
of West Virginia, with Wheeling for a capital ; June 
19, 1863, it was formally admitted to the Union, 
on the fiction that the Peirpont government was 
competent to give the necessary assent of "Virginia." 
Peirpont's shadowy commonwealth, often called the 
"vest-pocket government," with Alexandria for a 
capital, was also represented for a time in Congress.^ 

By the end of 1863 five of the seceding states, 
Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Arkansas, and 
Louisiana, were in whole or in part nominally sub- 
jugated: and some steps needed to be taken with 
reference to their relations to the Union. March 5, 

1862, Andrew Johnson was confirmed as military 
governor of Tennessee, Albert Sidney Johnston 
having just retired as far south as Murfreesboro 
after the Confederate defeats at Forts Henry and 
Donelson. Here, although there were two repre- 
sentatives in Congress, the provisional arrangement 
was not replaced by any state government until a 
period later than that to which we have arrived.^ 

^ Am. Annual Cyclop., 1863, art. Virginia. 
McCarthy, Lincoln's Plan of Reconstrttction, 1 et seq. 


May 2, 1862, Edward Stanley was made military 
governor of North Carolina; but for a long time 
there was no great development of Union senti- 
ment. In Louisiana, August, 1862, General George 
F. Shepley, who had been made by Butler mayor of 
New Orleans, was appointed military governor ; and 
by his authority, December 3, 1862, a state election 
was held at which 7760 votes were cast, resulting in 
the choice of two Federal representatives, who were 
duly admitted to seats at Washington. No attempt 
to reorganize the state government was made in 
1863/ In Arkansas, though Federal success in the 
field and wide-spread Union sentiment induced Lin- 
coln as early as March, 1 862 , to appoint a military gov- 
ernor, reconstruction remained in abeyance^ until 1 864, 
when a free-state organization came into existence. 

December 8, 1863, Lincoln took the portentous 
step of sending to Congress a special message con- 
taining a copy of a proclamation already issued, 
irrevocably committing the executive to a general 
plan of reconstruction. He announced as the con- 
ditions necessary for the recognition of a state, three 
preliminaries: (i) The completion of an organiza- 
tion by persons who (2) have subscribed to the Con- 
stitution of the United States, and (3) who have 
pledged themselves to support the acts and procla- 
mations promulgated during the war with reference 
to slavery." ^ 

^ McCarthy, Lincoln's Plan of Reconstrtiction, 36 et seq. 
2 Ibid., 77 et seq. ^ Dunning, Essays on the Civil War, 77. 


The president further dealt with the status of 
individuals by prescribing an oath to be used in 
states lately in rebellion, pledging the person taking 
it to support the Constitution of the United States 
and all acts and proclamations put forth during the 
rebellion relating to slavery, except such as had 
been formally repealed: this oath might be taken 
by all men except high military and civil officers of 
the Confederacy, and others who had resigned civil 
or military positions in the United States to take 
part in the rebellion, or who had unlawfully treated 
colored men in the United States service who had 
been taken prisoners. To all persons taking this 
oath, full amnesty for past offences was granted. 
Moreover, whenever, in any rebellious state, a ntmi- 
ber not less than one-tenth of the voters at the 
presidential election of i860 should desire, having 
taken the oath, to reconstitute their state, they 
should have power to do so, and thereupon return 
to the old relations with the Union. The proclama- 
tion further declared that any temporary provision 
made for the freedmen of a state, recognizing their 
freedom and looking towards their education, would 
not be objected to by the national executive: it 
suggested that as regards name, constitution, laws, 
boundaries, etc., there should be as little departure 
as possible from what had been established before: 
it recognized that the admission to seats in the Fed- 
eral Congress, of persons elected as senators and 
representatives, rested entirely with Congress, being 


outside of executive control. The proclamation 
concludes by stating that while thus laying down 
for rebellious states a method for returning to their 
allegiance, it must not be understood that no other 
possible mode would be acceptable/ 

In the message, the president in his usual clear 
and straightforward way reviewed the situation, 
citing the acceptance which the Emancipation Proc- 
lamation had met at last, the justification and 
growing approval of the employment of negro sol- 
diers, the lessening of pro-slavery sentiment in the 
border states, the favorable change in the feeling 
of Europe. He maintained that his action was 
authorized by the Constitution or by statutes. 
"The proposed acquiescence of the national execu- 
tive in any reasonable state temporary arrangement 
for the freed people" is made with the hope ''that 
the already deeply afflicted people of those states 
may be somewhat more ready to give up the cause 
of their affliction, if to this extent this vital matter 
be left to themselves ' ' ; while at the same time the 
president retained power to correct abuses. He 
dwelt on the possibility of other acceptable plans 
for reconstruction, and urged Congress to help for- 
ward the great consummation,^ 

John Hay, who was on the floor of Congress when 
the message was received, recorded in his diary that 
the approval seemed unanimous. In the Senate, 
not only Chandler, Sumner, and Wilson spoke of it 

* Lincoln, Works (ed. of 1894), II., 444. 2 454. 


with delight, but Dixon, of Connecticut, a strong 
conservative, and Reverdy Johnson, the Democrat, 
of Maryland, also approved. In the House the 
sentiment was similar, George S. Boutwell, James A. 
Garfield, Henry T. Blow, of Missouri, all men of 
radical views, were full of enthusiasm. One mem- 
ber went shouting through the lobbies : * ' The Presi- 
dent is the only man. There is none like him in the 
world ! ' ' Reverend Owen Love j oy exclaimed : ' ' How 
beautiful upon the mountains are the feet of him 
that bringeth good tidings'." while Horace Greeley, 
who was on the floor of the House, less devout but 
not less hearty, declared the message ' ' devilish good. ' ' 
In congratulating Lincoln, conservatives vied with 
radicals. The president was greatly cheered, and 
with good reason : to devise a settlement of this most 
difficult matter in a way almost universally accepta- 
ble among loyal men was an achievement indeed.^ 

The judiciary eventually sustained fully the view 
of the executive regarding reconstruction, the su- 
preme court unanimously showing in its opinions 
that, like the president, it never doubted the con- 
stitutional existence of the states. "Circumstances 
had disarranged their relations with the Federal 
Government, but with the correction of the dis- 
turbance the former conditions could be resumed. ' ' ^ 

* Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, IX., 109. 

2 Dunning, Essays on the Civil War, 72; see opinion of su- 
preme court in the Prize Cases, December term, 1862, 2 Black, 
668; also case of the Venice, 2 Wallace, 278. 


As to the legislative branch of the government, 
however, a want of harmony began to appear which 
brought momentous consequences. While at one 
with the executive and the judiciary, in according 
to the states a being incapable of destruction by 
any unconstitutional organization of the inhabitants, 
Congress shrank from the steps towards restoration 
announced in the president's message of December 
8, 1863. It was feared that Lincoln would be lax in 
exacting satisfactory guarantees of continued loyalty. 

The change in the temper of Congress soon mani- 
fested itself. Henry Winter Davis, of Maryland, 
moved at once in the House that the part of the 
message relating to reconstruction be referred to a 
special committee "on the rebellious states," of 
which he was made chairman; and on February 15, 
1864, he reported a plan of reconstruction quite 
different from Lincoln's.^ Davis, able and of high 
personal character, a cousin of David Davis, of 
Illinois, Lincoln's intimate friend, had won the ad- 
miration of the president, who greatly desired his 
friendship and support ; but Davis had taken a dis- 
like to Lincoln, perhaps because the latter favored 
the Blairs,^ which developed into hostility extreme 
and vindictive. In spite of the bitterness, Lincoln's 
all-abounding magnanimity wrapped Davis within 
his regard; the president could not win him, but he 
steadfastly endured, striking no return blow. 

* Cong. Globe, 38 Cong., i Sess., 668 (February 15, 1864). 
^ Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, IX., 113. 


In opposition to Lincoln's idea, declared in his 
inaugural and repeatedly reaffirmed, that no state 
had power to secede from the Union, Davis main- 
tained that the seceding states were out of the 
Union — a proposition so vehemently announced in 
the preamble that the House rejected it, but the 
same idea pervaded the resolutions which followed.* 
The work already begim in states wholly or partly 
conquered^ was to be set aside as invalid, and noth- 
ing more of the kind attempted. The incom- 
petency of the executive to act in the case being 
thus assimied, the bill laid down as a " Congressional 
plan " a scheme much more severe and difficult than 
the one rejected; in any state w^hich might have 
succumbed to the Federal arms, imder a provisional 
governor a census of white men was to be taken, a 
majority of whom must take the oath of allegiance, 
after which delegates might be elected to a conven- 
tion to establish a state government. In the new 
state constitution three provisions must appear: 
(i) disfranchising practically all high civil or mili- 
tary officers of the Confederacy; (2) abolishing 
slavery; (3) repudiating all debts and obligations 
created by or under the sanction of the usurping 
power. Such a constitution having been adopted 
and ratified, the provisional governor was to cer- 
tify the same to the president, who after having 
been authorized by Congress to do so, should recog- 

^ Cong. Globe, 38 Cong., i Sess., 2107 (February 22, 1864). 
2 See chap. viii.. above. 


nize the state; after which recognition congressmen 
and presidential electors might be chosen/ 

Davis supported his bill in a speech of imusual 
power, ^ in which, while denoimcing the amnesty 
oath suggested by the president as utterly inade- 
quate, and rejecting contemptuously any plan for 
a scheme based upon the votes of only one-tenth of 
the former voting population, he strongly urged the 
passage of his bill. He argued that the proclama- 
tion recognized slavery ; that reconstruction belonged 
to Congress alone, and should go to the root of things. 
Rarely in the history of the United States has 
eloquence produced so marked a result. Whereas 
among the Republicans opinion had at first been 
almost unanimous in favor of the president's plan, 
the ablest and most cautious being among the 
heartiest in their approval, when the matter after 
much debate came to a vote, March 22, the Davis 
bill passed by 73 to 59. 

It was brought up in the Senate by B. F. Wade, 
who sustained the measure in a strain similar to 
that of Davis. It is evident that the Republican 
leaders had made up their minds to set Congress 
athwart the president's plans. Hence the vote was 
favorable in the Senate, and the bill, usually called 
the " Davis-Wade bill," went to the president for his 
signature on the closing day of the session. 

The diary of John Hay, who was at the presi- 

* McPherson, Polit. Hist, of Great Rebellion, 317. 

^ Cong. Globe, 38 Cong., i Sess., App. (March 22, 1864). 


dent's elbow, is here again most interesting. Lin- 
coln sat in the president's room at the Capitol, July 
4, at noon of which day Congress was to adjourn. 
Members intensely excited stood at hand as the 
bills were one after another disposed of. When the 
reconstruction measure came at last, Lincoln laid 
it aside, whereupon in the general tension of the 
group, Zachariah Chandler sharply interrogated Lin- 
coln as to his intentions. " As to prohibiting slavery 
in the reconstructed states," said Lincoln, ''that is 
the point on which I doubt the power of Congress 
to act." It is no more than you have done your- 
self," said Chandler. ''I conceive," said Lincoln, 
that I may in an emergency do things on military 
grounds which cannot be done constitutionally by 
Congress." Mr. Chandler, not concealing his anger, 
went out ; while Lincoln, turning to the cabinet who 
sat at hand, said: I do not see how any of us now 
can deny and contradict what we have always said, 
that Congress has no constitutional power over 
slavery in the states." One senator present, Fes- 
senden, of Maine, expressed his entire agreement 
with this view. The president continued: ''the 
position of these gentlemen, that the insurrectionary 
states are no longer in the Union, seems to me to 
make the fatal admission that states whenever they 
please may of their own motion dissolve their con- 
nection with the Union. Now we cannot survive 
that admission, I am convinced." ^ 

^ Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, IX., 120. 


Congress adjotirned in great excitement, and Lin- 
coln followed up his action in "pocketing" the bill, 
without signature or veto, by issuing, July 8, a 
proclamation to the people, in which after reciting 
the circumstances, he declared his unpreparedness 
to commit himself to any one plan of reconstruction, 
and also his unpreparedness to set aside as naught 
the action of Louisiana, Arkansas, or any lately in- 
surrectionary state whose people began to show a 
desire to return to the Union. He expressed his 
strong hope that the thirteenth amendment, for the 
time held up, would within a few months be adopted ; 
and his earnest desire to aid any state desiring to 
return to the Union, and his approval of the con- 
gressional scheme as "one very proper plan for the 
loyal people of any state choosing to adopt it."^ 

To this Wade and Davis replied, August 5, by a 
manifesto in the New York Tribune, "To the Sup- 
porters of the Government," the severest attack 
ever made upon Lincoln within his own party. 
Every line of the proclamation was traversed and 
sharply criticised, especial emphasis being laid upon 
the usurpations of the executive. "This rash and 
fatal act of the president — a blow at the friends of 
his administration, at the rights of humanity and 
at the principles of republican government. ... But 
he must imderstand that our support is of a cause 
and not of a man ; that the authority of Congress is 
paramount and must be respected; ... he must 

^ Lincoln, Works (ed. of 1894), II., 545. 


confine himself to his executive duties,- — to obey and 
t;o execute, not make the laws, and leave political 
reorganization to Congress."^ Yet it clearly ap- 
peared ere long that Lincoln, before the people, had 
received no harm from this attempt to wound him 
in the house of his friends. 

^ McPherson, Polit. Hist, of Great Rebellion, 332. 



THROUGHOUT the first three years of the war 
the determined champions of the Union saw 
that it was as imperative to keep control of the 
political as of the military organization. Hence, 
politicians watched with eagerness the state elec- 
tions from year to year, and the congressional 
elections of 1862; the intense conviction of the 
necessity of maintaining a fighting majority in 
Congress caused the people to shut their eyes to 
the drastic methods by which the border states 
were led to return a solid Republican delegation 
to the House in the election of 1862, thus barely 
saving the war government from paralysis. The 
attitude of the War Democrats was of great signifi- 
cance in this crisis, and to placate them and make 
common political action easier, the name Union 
party was in many states taken up instead of 
Republican, and even came to be the official title 
of the national organization in the presidential cam- 
paign of 1864. Nevertheless, those wise in forecast- 
ing felt that Republican success depended upon con- 

VOL. XXI.— 10 


tinned victories by Union armies ; and in the Union 
party itself were elements not satisfied with Lincoln. 

Lincoln's most formidable rival was Chase, a 
man w^hose ability, worth, and weakness have had 
in our narrative full illustration. He was discon- 
tented with the president and with his colleagues in 
the cabinet; he desired intensely for himself the 
highest place, of his adequacy for which he was 
serenely sure; he so misunderstood the situation 
as to imagine that he had a great popular follow- 
ing. He wrote, January 24, 1864: "Had there been 
here an Administration in the true sense of the 
word — a president conferring with his cabinet and 
taking their united judgments and with their aid 
enforcing activity, economy, energy, in all depart- 
ments of the public service, we could have spoken 
boldly and defied the world. But our condition 
here has always been very different. I preside 
over the funnel ; everybody else, and especially the 
Secretaries of War and the Navy, over the spigots 
— and keep them well open, too. Mr. Seward con- 
ducts the Foreign Relations with very little let or 
help from anybody. There is no unity and no 
system except so far as it is departmental. There 
is progress, but it is slow and involuntary — just what 
is coerced by the irresistible pressure of the vast 
force of the people. How under such circumstances 
can anybody announce a policy which can only be 
made respectable by union, wisdom, and courage!"* 

* Warden, Chase, 562. 



How Lincoln felt towards Chase is shown by a 
deliverance recorded in John Hay's diary, October 
16, 1863: ''Mr. Chase makes a good Secretary and 
I shall keep him where he is. If he becomes presi- 
dent, all right. I hope we may never have a worse 
man. I have observed with regret his plan of 
strengthening himself. Whenever he sees that an 
important matter is troubling me, if I am compelled 
to decide in a way to give offence to a man of some 
importance, he always ranges himself in opposition 
to me, and persuades the victim that he has been 
hardly dealt with, and that he would have arranged 
it very differently. ... I am entirely indifferent 
as to his success or failure in these schemes so long 
as he does his duty at the head of the Treasury 
Department." ^ 

The two great men, associated very closely, both 
desired the nomination — an honorable ambition. 
Lincoln was justly confident that he had done well, 
and was anxious to continue until he had brought 
the country out of its strait. Chase misjudged 
the crisis, the feeling of the country, his immediate 
environment, most of all, perhaps, himself: he had 
no strength with the people, nor was there a single 
public man of prominence who actively favored his 
candidacy. A Chase organization, however, more 
or less formal, came into existence, at the head of 
which was Samuel C. Pomeroy, of Kansas, a senator 
of no large significance, who, unknown to Chase, 
^ Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, VIII., 316. 


issued a confidential circular that went broadcast 
through the country. This asserted the impossi- 
bility of Lincoln's re-election, and criticised what it 
termed Lincoln's temporizing and hesitating dispo- 
sition, which would be certain to manifest itself 
more strongly during a second administration; 
asserted the inexpediency of allowing to any presi- 
dent a second term in the then existing condition 
of the Union; and finally pointed out the combina- 
tion in Chase of the qualities requisite for a chief 

February 22, 1864, the circular appeared in the 
newspapers, whereupon Chase wrote Lincoln that 
he had not known of the existence of such a letter: 
he admitted that at the urgent solicitations of his 
friends he had become a candidate, and asked that 
he might be allowed to resign his post, should his 
position, in the judgment of the president, prejudice 
the public interest. To this Lincoln responded good- 
naturedly, stating at the end that he ' ' perceived no 
occasion for a change." ^ The candidacy of Chase 
speedily collapsed. Not only was there no response, 
but those on whom he particularly counted ranged 
themselves with Lincoln. When the Republican 
members of the Ohio legislature in full caucus nom- 
inated Lincoln, February 25, Chase at once withdrew. 

Besides Chase, some of the Republicans thought 
of Grant, but he would not listen to the idea of his 

* Hart, Chase, 312. 

2 Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, VIII., 321 et seq. 



nomination. Quite a different case was that of 
Fremont; though discredited both as the adminis- 
trator of a department and as a soldier in the field, 
he still had a following, and a meeting was held, 
May 31, 1864, at Cleveland, Ohio, in his interest. 
The gathering was in no sense representative; a 
company of two hundred or so, mostly from St. 
Louis and New York, without credentials from any 
body of the people, came together of their own ac- 
cord. No figure of prominence was present, though 
Horace Greeley had been, without reason, expected. 
A letter was read from Wendell Phillips, who made 
a comparison between Fremont and Lincoln to the 
disadvantage of the latter, and suggested for the 
convention a radical platform, providing for the 
confiscation and distribution of the conquered South, 
and for universal suffrage. Fremont was finally 
nominated for the presidency by this irresponsible 
party, with John Cochrane, of New York, for vice- 
president. Fremont accepted, declaring at the 
time, among other things, his belief that the work of 
Lincoln was ''politically, militarily, and financially 
a failure." The Democratic press, eager to foment 
a division in the Republican ranks, sought to make 
much of it, but the Cleveland convention was soon 
looked upon as an event of no importance.^ 

The Republican convention was appointed for 
June 7, 1864,^ a date unusually early, but the lead- 
ers desired to settle upon the candidate, and pre- 

* McPherson, Polit. Hist, of Great Rebellion, 410. ^ Ibid., 403 . 


sent at once to the opposition a front as nearly 
united as possible. From the beginning of Janu- 
ary, throughout the winter and spring, indications 
abounded that the only candidate was Lincoln, 
loyal men from the states east and west making 
manifest their enthusiasm for the great chief. When 
the convention assembled at Baltimore, ex -Gov- 
ernor E. D. Morgan, of New York, called it to 
order, his brief speech being marked especially by 
the declaration that the thirteenth amendment, then 
pending in Congress, was fundamental to Repub- 
licanism, a key-note echoed back in heavy and long- 
continued applause. 

The temporary chairman. Reverend Robert J. 
Breckinridge, D.D., of Kentucky, a patriarchal and 
dignified figure, whose kinsmen were among the 
most strenuous insurgents, came out of the hot 
border battle with the smell of fire, as it were, in 
his garments, to bear his testimony. His speech 
was as fervid as the utterance of a prophet of old. 
Disregarding what was usual, he forestalled the 
action of the convention by announcing Lincoln as 
the only possible candidate. With passion almost 
ferocious, he declared ''the only enduring cement 
of free institutions to be the blood of traitors. It 
is a fearful truth, but we had as well avow it at once; 
and every blow you strike, and every rebel you kill, 
you are adding it may be centuries to the life of the 
government and to the freedom of your children." 
He declared himself to be absolutely aloof from 

1 864] ELECTION OF 1864 151 

politics. "As a Union party I will follow you to 
the gates of death; as Republican or Democrat, I 
will not follow you one foot." The address was 
especially impressive when Dr. Breckinridge in- 
dorsed Morgan's 'approval of the abolition of sla- 
very. " I join myself with those who say, away with 
it forever!" 

For permanent chairman, Governor William Den- 
nison,of Ohio, was announced, whose excellent speech 
enforcing eloquently Breckinridge's doctrine pro- 
duced scarcely the same effect; for he came from 
and would return to the security of a northern state, 
whereas the boldness of the Kentuckian might con- 
sign him to a bloody grave. 

When the convention began to work, its task 
was easy. Of delegations applying for admission 
none were rejected except that claiming to be from 
South Carolina; those of Virginia and Florida were 
admitted to the floor without the right to vote; all 
others had full privileges; as to Missouri, where 
among loyal men there had been a fierce dispute of 
factions, two delegations appeared, of which the one 
representing the more radical men was selected. 

The issues involved in the contest were set forth 
in the platform,^ presented by Henry J. Raymond, 
editor of the New York Times, chairman of the 
committee on resolutions. This able appeal to the 
country insisted upon the duty to maintain the in- 
tegrity of the Union, and the Constitution and laws 

* McPherson, PoUt. Hist, of Great Rebellion, 406. 


of the United States; and as Union men pledged 
everything in the party's power to aid the govern- 
ment in queuing the rebelHon and in bringing to 
the punishment due to their crimes, the rebels and 
traitors arrayed against it. The platform further 
approved the determination of the government not 
to compromise with rebels, and to prosecute the war 
with the utmost possible vigor. 

Slavery was denounced as the cause and the 
strength of the rebellion, and the platform explicitly 
called for such an amendment to the Constitution, 
to be made by the people in conformity with its 
provisions, as shall terminate and forever prohibit 
its existence within the jurisdiction of the United 

The president's policy and administration received 
ungrudging support in an eulogium on Abraham Lin- 
coln, and the convention approved as essential to the 
preservation of the nation, and as within the pro- 
visions of the Constitution, ''the measures which he 
has adopted to defend the nation against its open 
and secret foes . . . especially the Proclamation of 
Emancipation." The only thing resembling censure 
was * ' a resolution looking towards changes in the cab- 
inet so that harmony should prevail in the national 
councils, and only those remain who cordially indorsed 
the principles proclaimed in these resolutions." In 
view of the French invasion of Mexico, the platform 
declared that "The people of the United States view 
with extreme jealousy, as menacing to the peace 



and independence of their own country, the efforts 
of any European power to obtain new foot-holds for 
monarchical governments, sustained by foreign mili- 
tary force, in near proximity to the United States." ^ 
The chairman of the Illinois delegation named 
for the presidency, in the briefest terms, "Abraham 
Lincoln, God bless him." The ensuing vote stood, 
for Lincoln, 484; the Missouri delegation, following 
strict instructions, cast their votes for Grant, but 
they at once fell in with the rest to make the vote 

For vice-president the selection w^as more diffi- 
cult. No dissatisfaction existed as regards Hanni- 
bal Hamlin; but the feeling prevailed that a War 
Democrat would give strength to the ticket : Daniel 
S. Dickinson, of New York; Lovell H. Rousseau and 
Joseph Holt, of Kentucky; Benjamin F. Butler, of 
Massachusetts, and Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, 
were names suggested. In the balloting Andrew 
Johnson received two hundred votes, after which 
all united in declaring his nomination unanimous. 
Thus the Tennesseean, crude, headstrong, preju- 
diced, but full of courage and devotedly patriot- 
ic, came to the front. Lincoln, who had rigidly 
abstained from making any suggestions as to the 
action or declarations of the convention, heard the 
result calmly, but did not conceal his gratification. 
He did not understand, he said, that he was held 
to be the best and wisest man in America; 1 ut 
^ McPherson, Polit. Hist, of Great Rebellion, 406, 407. 


simply that it was a bad plan "to swap horses while 
crossing the river." ^ 

The Baltimore convention took place while the 
North was still buoyant with the hope that Grant 
and Sherman would soon do great things: but 
while it was in session the details of the dreadful 
repulse at Cold Harbor were arriving; and before 
the month ended Sherman was beaten back at 
Kenesaw Mountain. The situation in the two 
main armies grew worse during July and August, 
Richmond and Atlanta baffling every Federal at- 
tempt. Even Lincoln became depressed, while his 
stanchest supporters quite lost heart. The presi- 
dent, to whom the success of McClellan, the in- 
evitable Democratic candidate, began to seem likely, 
framed a plan for coming to an understanding with 
him to save the Union by a combined effort, to be 
made in the interval between the election and the 

When the prospect was darkest the forces of the 
opposition party assembled at Chicago, August 29, 
quite sure of their power to overthrow the admin- 
istration.^ The delegates arrived numerous and 
exultant, but a want of harmony existed which 
from the first boded misfortune. While many War 
Democrats were acting with the Republicans, such 
as Dickinson, Johnson, Tod, Brough, and a number 
of the best generals in the field, there were many 

^ Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, IX., 76. 
2 McPherson, PoUt. Hist, of Great Rebellion, 417. 



War Democrats at Chicago, led by the delegation 
from New York — over against whom stood the 
peace men, out and out Copperheads, Vallandigham 
at the front, home from his exile, and in exaggerated 
vigor. The convention was called to order by 
August Belmont, German born, the agent of the 
Rothschilds in New York, and noted in finance. 
His brief address was intended to promote harmony, 
after which ex -Governor Bigler, of Pennsylvania, 
as temporary chairman, ascribed the woes under 
which the country suffered to the Republicans, 
against whom a united stand must be made "to 
rescue our country — our whole country — from its 
present lamentable condition." 

Horatio Seymour, of New York, the permanent 
chairman, made the great address of the occasion, 
a masterpiece of dignified, eloquent, passionate 
invective. ''This Administration cannot now save 
the Union, if it would. It has by its proclamations, 
by vindictive legislation, by display of hate and 
passion, placed obstacles in its own pathway which 
it cannot overcome, and has hampered its own free- 
dom by unconstitutional acts. If this Administra- 
tion cannot save this Union, we can. Mr. Lincoln 
values many things above the Union : we put it first 
of all. He thinks a proclamation worth more than 
peace. We think the blood of our people more precious 
than the edicts of a president. We demand no con- 
ditions for the preservation of our Union. We are 
shackled with no hates, no prejudices, no passions." 


Vallandigham, a member of the committee on 
resolutions, dominated the committee by his energy. 
He draughted and put through in spite of opposition 
the only very significant utterance of the platform. 
" That the convention does explicitly declare as the 
sense of the American people, that after four years 
of failure to restore the Union by the experiment of 
war, . . . humanity, liberty, and the public welfare 
demand that immediate efforts be made for a cessa- 
tion of hostilities, and that a convention or some 
other unmilitary means be employed, that peace 
may be restored on the basis of the Federal union of 
the states."^ 

When submitted to the convention, this practical 
surrender to the Confederacy passed unchallenged 
with the other resolutions, the gloom of the military 
situation disposing the country towards peace as 
never before. Nominations being in order, McClel- 
lan received 202 1 votes, with a few scattering. 
Vallandigham moved that McClellan's nomination 
be made unanimous, which was done. With the 
nomination^ for vice-president of George H. Pendle- 
ton, an able Democratic congressman from Cincin- 
nati, the work of the convention was over. Great 
enthusiasm prevailed, but, September 2, almost at 
once after the adjournment, news came from Sher- 
man which, as Seward said, "knocked the planks 
out of the Chicago platform"; and McClellan, while 
accepting the nomination, did it in terms quite out 
* McPherson, Polit. Hist, of Great Rebellion, 419. ^ Ibid,, 421. 



of harmony with Vallandigham's resolution. All 
interest centred upon the men in the field, and in 
good time, before election day, their work made the 
outcome certain. 

Before we return to the soldiers, w^e must con- 
sider the disappearance from our stage of certain 
important figures. Chase has constantly been in 
the foreground, a pure, stately, columnar, though 
not flawless, personality, bearing upon Atlantean 
shoulders a heavy part of the burden of the day. 
The secretary and the president were really in 
principle not far apart: to both it was a matter 
dear as life itself to maintain freedom and the 
Union; but w^hile the secretary put freedom first 
as the necessary foimdation for the Union, the presi- 
dent put the Union first — its preservation a condi- 
tion without which freedom could not exist. ^ While 
not far apart in principles, in temperament and 
disposition the two men jarred; they had a "differ- 
ent taste in jokes." Lincoln did the fullest justice 
to the ability and worth of Chase, but could not 
find him congenial. "Chase is one and a half 
times bigger than any man I ever knew," said he; 
but Chase failed to appreciate Lincoln, whom he 
rated much below himself, and whose homely 
mother- wit he held to be boorish and unbecoming. 

Though always at his onerous post, and faithful 
as a counsellor, he repeatedly asked to be allowed 
to resign, usually in order to recall Lincoln's mind 
^ Hart, Chase, 292. 


to his indispensableness. Up to 1864, Lincoln, with 
eye single to the public welfare, had good-naturedly 
refused. With the opening of 1864 came the effort 
by Chase and his friends to supplant Lincoln, fol- 
lowed by other causes for estrangement. Among 
these was a quarrel with the Blairs, whom Chase 
thought favored by Lincoln. The Blair family, in 
the story of the Civil War, is an interesting group. 
Francis P. Blair, Sr., a Virginian born, went while 
still a child to Kentucky, becoming a friend of 
Henry Clay in early manhood. Estranged from him 
in John Quincy Adams's day, he attracted Jackson's 
notice by opposing nullification, and was invited by 
him to Washington, where he founded the Globe, 
a newspaper of great influence. In 1864, a man 
seventy-three years old, he was no longer an editor, 
but very active, as always, for the Union: he was 
the medium of the overtures to Robert E. Lee, in 
1 861, to become commander of the Union army; 
in the present year he sought to bring about a 
better understanding between Lincoln and McClel- 
lan: a little later he was a zealous go-between from 
Washington to Richmond in the interests of peace. 

Two sons of this political veteran have often 
appeared in our narrative, as men of power and 
patriotism. F. P. Blair, Jr., after saving Missouri 
to the Union, in conjunction with Lyon, followed 
a most energetic course: now commanding the 
Seventeenth Corps in the Army of the West, now a 
leader in Congress, he vibrated between field and 



forum, always audacious and dominating. Mont- 
gomery Blair did almost as much for Maryland as 
his brother Frank did for Missouri. Equally able, 
perhaps, he confined himself to politics. In the 
cabinet he had not the prominence of Seward, Chase, 
or Stanton ; as postmaster - general his work was 
less concerned with the war than theirs; but his 
voice in council w^as never silent and often heeded. 
Father and sons stood sympathetically together: 
forceful and aggressive, they became not only 
a terror to their adversaries in the South, but 
caused enmity among the friends of the Union at 

In 1864 the Blairs had fallen out with the rad- 
icals, especially with Fremont, who at their in- 
stance had received his commission as major-general 
and an appointment to a department, but soon 
forfeited their friendship, all who adhered to him 
becoming their foes. In Maryland, Montgomery 
Blair and Henry Winter Davis w^ere soon at odds. 
The radicals took sides against the trio more and 
more definitely ; the Blairs and all who countenanced 
them feeling their wrath. 

Lincoln was suffering from this feud, which brought 
about the hostility of Henry Winter Davis, so viru- 
lent in the reconstruction business.^ The president 
was to suffer still further: Chase conceived a vio- 
lent enmity to Frank Blair, on account of remarks 
made in debate — enmity which the aggressive sol- 
^ See p. 139, above. 



dier-statesman, riding rough-shod, made more bit- 
ter. When Lincoln, according to a promise made 
some time before, allowed Blair to return to his 
rank in the army from a seat in Congress, he did so 
with the hope that he might improve the situation; 
but Chase at once bracketed Lincoln with Blair, 
his estrangement from the president growing still 

Another cause of offence to Chase was what he 
unreasonably regarded an interference by the presi- 
dent with his appointments. The upshot of it all 
was that, June 30, 1864, Chase sent in his fourth or 
fifth resignation. There is reason to believe that 
he would have yielded as usual to remonstrance 
from the president, but this time no remonstrance 
came; and William Pitt Fessenden, chairman of 
the Senate committee on finance, was at once ap- 
pointed as his successor.* The resignation of Chase, 
coming after disasters in the field and contentions 
in Congress, threw the country into painful excite- 
ment, an accurate indication being the rise of gold 
to its highest point, about 286. Chase accepted 
the situation, after all, in a manly way. To his 
successor, who naturally hesitated to assume his 
colossal burden, his words were kind and reassuring. 
He said truthfully that all the great work of the 
department was fairly blocked out and in progress; 
that the organization was planned and in many 
ways complete, or in a way towards completion. 
* Hart, Chase, 318. 

i864] ELECTION OF 1864 161 

His achievement, indeed, had been a great path- 
breaking. He was hampered at every step by the 
lack of precedents for such an exigency, and the 
behef shared by every one that the war must soon 
end. His management of the bond issues was in 
the main shrewd and far-sighted, his scheme for 
internal revenue at last most effective; while in 
laying the foundation of the national bank system, 
he bestowed on his country a noble and permanent 
good. Chase may justly be called a great secretary 
of the treasury, deserving of honor and dignity. 
In October of this year Lincoln appointed him 
chief - justice of the supreme court of the United 
States — a post which the president, with all the 
magnanimity of his great nature, was delighted to 

The resolution of the Baltimore convention re- 
lating to a reconstruction of the cabinet was of 
radical origin, and looked towards the retirement 
not of Chase, but of Montgomery Blair. That re- 
sult came in September, the president frankly stat- 
ing that while Blair had lost nothing in his regard, 
it was expedient that he should give way, which he 
did with good grace; nor was the devotion of the 
Blairs to the administration abated. Montgomery 
toiled manfully in the canvass for his late chief, 
while Frank rode at the right hand of Sherman in 
the progress through Georgia and the Carolinas — 
the septuagenarian father meantime working as ever 
for the country. William Dennison, of Ohio, be- 



came postmaster - general. James Speed, of Ken- 
tucky, was made attorney-general, succeeding Bates, 
who resigned November 24, a faithful servant of the 
government, who, ill at ease in the crisis, preferred 
to withdraw to private life. Caleb B. Smith, Lin- 
coln's first secretary of the interior, resigned earlier, 
December, 1862, his place being filled by John P. 
Usher, of Indiana. 



THROUGHOUT all its immense extent of coast 
and numerous rivers, the Confederacy was com- 
pelled in naval warfare, with the single exception of 
the one day's victory of the Merrimac, in March, 
1862, to accept defeat. All the other important con- 
flicts — on the Mississippi and its affluents, and in 
the Atlantic region, were gained by Federal fleets 
and ships. On the open ocean, too, the Confederacy 
never gained an important victory ; yet her few sea- 
going cruisers inflicted great material damage, and 
seriously injured the repute of the Federal navy by 
their depredations on unarmed merchant-men. 

On the other hand, the Federal blockading squad- 
ron was also capturing merchant-ships, and there- 
by giving powerful assistance to the land armies in 
the effort to throttle the power of the Confederacy.^ 
The dozen ships stationed in April, 1861, increased 
gradually to a fleet of three hundred, which effect- 
ually guarded thousands of miles of coast. Not far 
below the Virginia capes begins the peculiar double 
» Naval War Records, VI.-XIX. 


coast which characterizes the southern Atlantic sea- 
board — the sounds of North Carolina, behind the 
outlying beaches; then after an interval the inlets 
among the Sea Islands of South Carolina, and the 
sand-barred estuaries of Georgia and Florida. The 
North Atlantic squadron patrolled the coast as far 
down as Wilmington, whence the South Atlantic 
squadron kept watch to Cape Canaveral; the East 
Gulf squadron took the stretch from Key West to 
Pensacola, and the West Gulf thence to the Rio 
Grande. Though the line was so long, the harbors 
practicable for ocean commerce were few; and in 
1864, Wilmington, Charleston, Mobile, and Galves- 
ton, with a few inlets, were the only ports that ships 
could enter. ^ 

The task of the blockaders was tedious and vex- 
atious rather than dangerous. The enemy could 
harm them little, and good sailors in stanch and 
well-equipped craft soon learned not to dread even 
the storms of Cape Hatteras; but there were long 
months of monotonous watching, broken only by 
occasional excitement ; for the sailor must be always 
ready on the instant to spring into the fullest activ- 
ity. Night was the time to be on the alert; small 
open boats patrolling close to the surf and on the 
bar were stations more fruitful of results than the 
comfortable ships. 

As experience developed the faculties and re- 
sources of the blockaders, the blockaded kept even 
* Soley, Blockade and Cruisers, 26 et seq. 

1 864] NAVAL WARFARE 165 

pace, practising ever new methods of evasion.* 
Privateering, which in 186 1 Jefferson Davis sought 
to encourage by the issue of letters of marque, did 
not prove profitable, as private ships foimd better 
profit in blockade - rtmning. Soon ordinary craft 
gave way to vessels built especially for this pur- 
pose. Cargoes shipped from Europe were trans- 
ferred at the Bermudas or Nassau to long, narrow 
vessels, in which everything was sacrificed to speed; 
gray in color, these veritable ocean greyhounds 
could not at the distance of a few htmdred yards be 
distinguished in the shadows against the sea, the 
horizon mist, or the sandy shore. Creeping stealth- 
ily landward, they dashed by night at full speed 
through the blockading line, the breakers on the 
bar making the engines inaudible, the swiftness of 
the almost invisible apparitions baffling the keenest 
vision. The sharpest competition prevailed betw^een 
pursuer and pursued, but the clutch of the pursuer 
becamie ever more inevitable. Early in 1864, about 
two out of three blockade-rimners escaped ; but be- 
fore the year ended, forty out of sixty-six that fre- 
quented one port were captured. The total number 
of blockade-runners of every size captured or de- 
stroyed during the war was fifteen himdred and 

Great as the risks were, adventurers were always 
foimd to run them, for the gains w^ere enormous. 

* Scharf, Confed. States Navy, 428 et seq. 
' Soley, Blockade and Cruisers, 44. 


The ingoing cargoes brought huge profits; and the 
cotton, laden with which the blockade-runners came 
out, was better than a gold-mine. It was no un- 
common thing to clear one hundred and fifty thou- 
sand dollars each way. With such gains possible, 
blockade - running was profitable even though the" 
vessel made only a trip or two before capture. To 
captains and crews such boimties were paid that 
they could soon retire with fortimes. The spirit of 
adventure was reinforced by the love of gain, and 
owners were never at a loss to man their ships. The 
Robert E. Lee, from Nassau, ran the blockade twenty- 
one times within six months, bringing out six thou- 
sand bales of cotton and carrying in a miscellaneous 
assortment of merchandise to a voracious market.* 

Though the South had at the start few ships to 
defend her coast, and almost no ship-yards, machine- 
shops, or skilled labor, the Confederacy showed, as 
has been explained, most noteworthy ingenuity in 
supplying this lack.^ In coping with the results of 
this skill, the monotonous life of the Federal block- 
aders was sometimes relieved. Such was the conflict 
with the Virginia, and certain other achievements 
of the monitors. At last, in the summer of 1864, 
came one of the few general fleet engagements on 
a great scale. ^ 

At this time the only port of the Gulf available 

*Soley, Blockade and Cruisers, 156, 166. 

2 See above, p. 62 et seq. 

^Battles and Leaders, IV., 379 et seq. 



to blockade-runners was Mobile. New Orleans had 
fallen long before ; the ports of Texas since the sun- 
dering of the Confederacy by the Federal occupa- 
tion of the Mississippi were of little service; at 
Pensacola the Federal garrison at Fort Pickens 
prevented entrance. Farragut had long desired to 
attack Mobile, which Grant, Sherman, and Banks 
had threatened from the land side. But not until 
the midsummer of 1864 did Farragut range his 
fleet, the West Gulf blockading squadron strongly 
reinforced, before the sandy capes between which 
opened the strait that he must force. 

Mobile itself lies thirty miles from the Gulf, be- 
tween which and the city extends the bay, a sheet 
of water in some parts fifteen miles in breadth, in 
many places too shallow for ocean-going ships, but 
in its lower part affording the necessary depth and 
space. ^ To defend this bay, on Mobile Point, the 
cape to the east, stood Fort Morgan, an old-fash- 
ioned fort of brick, supplemented skilfully by earth- 
works and sand -bag facings, and heavily armed. 
To the west, guarding shallow inlets, lay smaller 
works, Fort Gaines and Fort Powell, too distant to 
be effective. The main reliance for defence was 
Fort Morgan, aided by four vessels, of which by 
far the most formidable was the Tennessee, the most 
powerful of the several rams constructed by the 
Confederates during the war, craft always inspir- 
ing terror and often inflicting disaster. Upon a low- 
* Mahan, Gulf and Inland Waters, 218 et seq. 


lying hull was mounted an iron-plated casemate 
two himdred feet long, its sides sloping at an angle 
of forty-five degrees, built of solid oak and pine two 
feet thick, and covered with six inches of iron. 
Noticeable was the projecting rim or "knuckle" of 
iron which surrounded the hull, projecting well be- 
yond, and which at the bow was prolonged into the 
beak which was her principal means of offence. She 
carried six large Brooke rifled guns, and was com- 
manded by Franklin Buchanan, who commanded 
the Virginia at Hampton Roads. Fatal defects in 
what otherwise was a most menacing instrument 
of war, were a weak engine, and steering-gear ex- 
posed without protection to shot and shell. More 
dreaded perhaps than even fort or iron-clad were 
the torpedoes, then instrtmients unfamiliar and al- 
most untested. It was known that these were 
thickly scattered about the harbor, and that a line 
of them crossed the channel where the ships must 

To encounter these obstacles, Farragut had a fleet 
of eighteen ships; four of these were monitors, and 
seven wooden ships of over a thousand tons, one, the 
Brooklyn, over two thousand. The Hartford, as at 
New Orleans, was the flag-ship, and several of her 
consorts with their crews had also taken part in that 
action. In the early morning of August 5, 1864, 
the fleet was ranged for battle, the monitors, led by 
the Tecumseh, forming a line by themselves nearer 
the fort than the wooden ships. As at Port Hud- 

i864] NAVAL WARFARE i6g 

son, lashed to the port side of each large ship was a 
smaller vessel, to carry her out of action should she 
be disabled. Some vessels had been strengthened 
at the bow, to serve as rams; the Brooklyn carried 
a device for grappling torpedoes; all were stripped 
of superfluous spars and tackle. Very unwillingly 
Farragut, yielding to the pressure of his captains, 
allowed the Brooklyn to lead the line of wooden 
ships, which was formed just west of the monitors. 
The flood-tide set strongly, a mild west wind was 
dissipating the haze as the squadron started.^ 

Immediately upon reaching the perilous point in 
the channel, where the guns of Fort Morgan, now 
in full activity, told with most effect, the startling 
drama began. . The Tecumseh, whose guns opened 
the battle for the fleet, suddenly sank out of sight 
before the eyes of friend and foe, her screw still 
whirling in the air as she pltmged head-foremost. 
Her captain, T. M. Craven, in the pilot-house, gave 
the one chance for life that offered, to the pilot, per- 
ishing himself heroically. It was the work of a 
torpedo, so deadly that but tw^enty-one out of her 
crew of a hundred or so escaped. At once the 
Brooklyn halted, signalling that a line of buoys was 
immediately in front, a sign of danger. The ships 
behind, urged by their engines and also the pow- 
erful current, w^ere fast drifting together in a dis- 
ordered huddle, while the hostile cannon over- 
whelmed them with its deadly fire, and the passage 
^ L. Farragut, David G. Farragid, 407. 


was blocked ahead. The audacity and quick de- 
cision of the admiral saved the day. He ordered 
the Hartford ahead ; to get a view above the battle- 
smoke, he climbed high into the rigging, where he 
was lashed to the shrouds by a watchful sailor lest 
wounded he should fall to the deck. Rushing at 
full speed past the halting Brooklyn, the Hartford's 
company soon heard beneath the hull the knocking 
of torpedoes and even the discharge of the primers; 
but by good fortune not one exploded. 

Presently the Hartford passed into the bay, and 
now had new adversaries to confront in the hostile 
fleet, which, though few in number, showed no lack 
of spirit. While smaller gun-boats raked her from 
the front, the Tennessee approached, slow but ter- 
rible. Buchanan, seeing that his unwieldy vessel 
could cope but poorly with the more active Hart- 
ford, changed his course, running amuck down the 
line of Federal ships, which were pushing fast after 
the admiral through the channel into the bay. The 
crew of the Tennessee were intrepid, not shrinking 
from the broadsides which rained at close quarters 
upon her armor. Her guns were not idle, but 
through some defect in the ammunition they often 
missed fire; her beak, too, through the weakness of 
her engine, could not well be brought to bear in the 
swift flood-tide. Nevertheless, the spectacle and 
uproar were frightful; the fleet in general suffered, 
and the Oneida, completely crippled, was towed 
along by her consort. 

1 864] NAVAL WARFARE 171 

When at length the ships had gathered near the 
Hartford within the bay, the fort batteries now whol- 
ly passed, the Tennessee approached again, throw- 
ing herself into the fray alone. A wilder melee than 
now ensued has rarely been seen upon the waters. 
Following the admiral's signal, every ship sought to 
run down the Tennessee, which, selecting the flag- 
ship, thrust her beak steadily forward. The Hart- 
ford, nothing loath, rushed head on towards her ad- 
versary, swerving just before the impact so that 
the ram failed to strike fairly. The "bluff of the 
bows" on each side came together, the ships grat- 
ing past each other, the broadsides thundering into 
the opposing muzzles. The other ships were quite 
too near at hand. First the Monongahela struck 
her blow, her prow crumbling against the ''knuckle" 
of the Tennessee, which received no harm. A blow 
from the Lackawanna was equally fruitless, and as 
that vessel swept round to repeat her dash, in 
the confusion where each ship was eager for a 
chance, missing her foe she crashed into the star- 
board side of the Hartford, cutting through to 
within two feet of the water-line. The end was now 
near. As the Qssipee drove forward in her turn, the 
monitors at the same moment closing up, a white 
flag tied to a boat-hook was thrust up from the 
Tennessee. Her exposed steering-gear had been 
shot away, her smoke-stack was demolished, she 
lay unmanageable. While inflicting little harm, 
she had received really little; but two of her crew 


were killed and ten wounded within the almost in- 
vulnerable casemate; and all the broadsides hurled 
upon her were far from having made her a wreck. 

The sum of the damage to the Federals was 
heavy, though the victory was great. Besides the 
drowned crew of the Tecumseh, fifty-two were killed 
and one hundred and seventy wounded, by far the 
longest list of casualties being on the Hartford, 
which also had the narrowest escape from sinking. 
Several other Federal vessels were destroyed by 
torpedoes before Mobile Bay was fully possessed. 
Fort Gaines and Fort Powell soon surrendered ; after 
which a land force of five thousand men co-operat- 
ing with the fleet, the resistance of Fort Morgan was 
beaten down, and it was captured on August 23. 
The port was thus closed to blockade-nmners, though 
the city held out till the following spring. 

One ram still remained to the Confederacy, the 
Albemarle, which in North Carolina waters threat- 
ened the blockade as the Virginia, Arkansas, and 
Tennessee had done elsewhere. On the Roanoke 
River, in April, 1864, she destroyed a man-of-war, 
and played an important part in the recapture of 
Plymouth by the Confederates, and now lay moored 
at Plymouth preparing for another onslaught. No 
bolder or more brilliant achievement was performed 
by the navy during the war than the sinking of this 
dangerous ship, October 28, 1864, by Lieutenant 
W. B. Cushing. Stealthily making his way up the 
river by night with a small crew of picked men, his 



latinch lay beside his victim before it was discov- 
ered. Forcing his craft at full speed over the boom 
of logs which surrounded the ship, at the moment 
when a heav}'- gun, discharged within a few feet, al- 
most shattered the assailant by concussion, he cool- 
ly applied to the ram's side a torpedo, then pulling 
the cord, was submerged with his men in the de- 
struction that followed the explosion. The shattered 
vessel was sent to the bottom; of Cushing's crew, 
some were drowned, some made prisoners in the 
water, while two or three, among them the lieuten- 
ant himself, were saved by swimming. The destruc- 
tion of the Albemarle was perhaps the last note- 
worthy achievement of the blockaders, crowning 
well their long service of watching and exposure.^ 

The Confederate navy accomplished little on the 
western rivers; such craft as could be brought to 
bear were no match for the northern gun-boats, 
which after the fall of Vicksburg nearly had the 
field to themselves. Against the blockade, too, 
while the Confederacy maintained the struggle lon- 
ger, it had, as we have seen, only small success. 
On the open ocean, however, the southern commerce- 
destroyers performed remarkable feats, bringing to 
the Union great disaster.^ 

The Geneva arbitration tribunal in 1872 awarded 
to the United States fifteen and a half millions of 

* Naval War Records, X., 620; Battles and Leaders, IV., 635 et 
seq.; Soley, Blockade and Cruisers, 104-. 
^ Naval War Records, I.-III. 


dollars for ships destroyed by Confederate cruisers 
constructed in British ports, at the same time dis- 
allowing all claims for indirect or consequential 
losses.^ Scharf gives a list of two hundred and 
fifty-eight prizes captured by nineteen cruisers.^ 

While the money awarded at Geneva was an 
offset to this loss, for the large indirect loss there 
was no compensation. The case of the United 
States at Geneva states that in i860 two-thirds of 
the foreign commerce of New York was carried on in 
American bottoms ; that the transfers to the British 
flag, to avoid capture of ships, were, in 1861, 126; 
in 1862, 135; in 1863, 348; in 1864, 106. In 1865 
the number of foreign ships frequenting the harbor 
of New York was three and one-half times greater 
than in 1858.^ The merchant-marine of the United 
States was near extinction. The vessels, large and 
small, by which this remarkable result was accom- 
plished — 258 captures and 715 transfers, most of 
them because of fear of capture — appear to have 
numbered nineteen. 

The actual damage done was but a part of the 
effect of the Confederate cruisers' action; they 
involved the United States and Great Britain in a 
passionate controversy. Under the usual practice 
in time of war, no war- vessel or privateer of either 
belligerent enters the waters or ports of neutrals 

^ For the award, see Am. Annual Cyclop, 1872, p. 261. 
2 Scharf , Confed. Navy, 814 et seq. 
^ Am. Annual Cyclop., 1865, p. 183. 




except by special leave of the authorities: if such 
permission is granted, vessels are expected to go to 
sea within twenty-four hours, except in stress of 
weather, and take on only supplies necessary for 
immediate use. Neutral ports and waters must not 
be places of resort for war-purposes or for equipment : 
only coal enough should be sold to take ships to the 
nearest port of their own country; if supplied once 
they ought not to be supplied again within three 
months. The British foreign office issued for the 
guidance of colonial authorities instructions ^ in this 
sense: but in the British colonial ports often little 
attention was paid to the obligations of neutrals. 
The Confederate cruisers were sometimes allowed 
to coal to their full capacity, and even to refit, and 
in violation of the British foreign enlistment act to 
replenish their crews; while at the same time the 
cold shoulder was turned to the vessels of the United 
States.^ In the rest of the foreign world also there 
was much carelessness as to the obligations of 
neutrals, the neglect of international rules becom- 
ing more marked when the cause of the Union was 

Such were the conditions which made possible 
the extended careers of the Confederate cruisers; 

I let us now turn our attention to particular vessels. 

I| The agency of one man here was so noteworthy 
that he must be put in the foreground. Raphael 

^ Moore, International Arbitration, I., chap, xiv., 495. 
2 Porter, Naval Hist, of Civil War, 81 j. 


Semmes was an officer of the old navy, a man of 
enterprise and capacity, who, forsaking his alle- 
giance, presently became captain of the Sumter,^ the 
pioneer of the commerce-destroyers. She was a Ha- 
vana trader of five hundred tons, converted into a 
man-of-war, and in the summer of 1861 Semmes suc- 
ceeded in eluding the Federal fleet at the Mississippi 
passes and getting to sea. He could give and take 
hard blows, but to cripple the commerce of the Union 
was the task set for his ship ; and with an eye single 
to that end he avoided the men-of-war that swarmed 
after him, as he swooped down upon the defenceless 
merchant-ships in his path. From the first he dis- 
played great astuteness, escaping from the powerful 
Brooklyn, which was overhauling him off Pass a 
rOutre, by a manoeuvre which made her sails useless 
in the pursuit. He began his work at once, finding 
his weapon in the torch rather than the cannon, and 
terror soon prevailed. It was an ignoble warfare 
directed against the civilian ship-master, unarmed 
and unsuspecting: it was, however, very effective, 
a blow at the Union resources which told forcibly. 

It is only fair to say that, except for burning his 
prizes, Semmes did nothing for which there was not 
precedent in the usages of war.^ Forgetting their 
own history of intrepid service on privateers and 
cruisers from early colonial days, throughout the 
War of 181 2, the United States set up an angry 

* Semmes, Service Afloat, chap. ix. 
^Soley, Blockade and Cruisers, 229. 



outcry against the operations of the Sumter as 
barbarous. The conscience of the world was begin- 
ning at that time to be sensitive. In 1856 the 
United States, through Mavcy, then secretary of 
state, suggested an amendment to the Declaration 
of Paris, with a view to prohibiting in war the 
seizure of private property on the sea/ This was 
not adopted, and though the more active spirit 
of humanity among civilized men plainly favored 
such a prohibition, the practice both on land and 
sea, during the American Civil War, fell away on 
either side into methods transmitted from the rude 
past. Such were the methods of Semmes : such, before 
the war ended, were the methods of many honored 
Federal leaders at which we shall later have to glance. 

The Sumter was active throughout the rest of 
1 861, destroying many ships and eluding all pursuit. 
By a clever ruse at Martinique, Semmes sent the 
swift Iroquois, which had overtaken him, on a wild- 
goose chase southward while the Sumter sped north. 
In the West Indies neutral obligations hung light- 
ly on officials, and the cruiser was little troubled. 
Crossing at last to Spain, the authorities at Cadiz 
were colder, and in January, 1862, the Sumter found 
herself at Gibraltar with Federal men-of-war close 
by. She could not escape, and was at last sold, 
ending her career later as a blockade-runner.^ 

^ Cf. Smith, Parties and Slavery (Am. Nation, XVIII.), chap, 
xviii.; Exec. Docs., 34 Cong., 3 Sess., 35. 
^ Soley, Blockade and Cruisers, 173 et seq. 

VOL. XXI. — 12 


Following the course of Semmes, we pass now to 
the Alabama, which, having been constructed in 
and having escaped from England amid circum- 
stances already described/ was now awaiting her 
captain. The cruises upon which she was about 
to enter and the results following from them make 
her one of the famous ships of history. Taking 
command of the Alabama in the Azores, August 20, 
1862,^ Semmes utilized his previous experience in 
the Sumter, establishing accurately in the main 
ocean highways the strategic points where his 
depredations would tell best. He estimated how 
long it would take the news of his operations to 
reach the United States ; and before the eager Fed- 
eral ships could find him, the commerce-destroyer, 
which could render more important service than to 
wait for a fight, was off to new fields. 

Semmes began the cruise of the Alabama in the 
North Atlantic, in two months seeking the West 
Indies, whence after a second two months he dropped 
southward into the track of the South American 
traders; thence, after many successes, to Brazilian 
waters, to the Cape of Good Hope, to the Straits 
of Sunda, and still more distant spots — in each case 
choosing a station where main arteries of traffic 
interlace. Wherever the Alabama turned, the ocean 
was enlivened with the conflagration she kindled, 
the cargoes, after being rifled, perishing w4th the 

* See Hosmer, Appeal to Arms (Am. Nation, XX.), 315 et seq. 
^ Semmes, Service Afloat, 404. 



ships; the captured crews were disposed of with 
little reference to their w^ell-being or convenience. 
She was in constant motion, getting supplies from 
her prizes or obsequious neutrals ; and when repairs 
must be made, some obscure port was found where 
there was no danger of disturbance. Sometimes 
Semmes, arming his prizes, commissioned them to 
act as ships-of-w^ar. 

Such was the Alabama's course for nearly two 
years, during which time, though swift ships and 
able commanders were ever hot upon the scent, the 
enemy was bafHed and the purpose of the long 
cruise thoroughly carried out. Rarely has a great 
end been accomplished with means so small. The 
commerce-destroyer justified her name, her list of 
captures amounting to sixty-eight.^ In merchant- 
shipping the United States, at the appeal to arms, 
stood second among the nations: this position she 
lost, to a great extent through the Alabama and 
her consorts, though partly through the coming in 
of iron ships. 

The Alabama met with a dramatic fate. Fatigued 
perhaps with his success, Semmes in the summer of 
1864 brought his ship back to the English Channel, 
and while sheltering in Cherbourg, was challenged 
by the Kearsarge, only slightly superior in size and 
armament. A fierce passage-at-arms took place off 
Cherbourg, June 19, 1864. Like fighting eagles the 
two ships circled at speed through mile after mile. 
^ Scharf, Confed. Navy, 815. 



The practice of the Kearsarge was more certain, 
though a shell lodged in her stern-post by the Ala- 
bama, had it exploded, would have been fatal. 
But it was the Alabama which sank at last beneath 
the waves.* 

The career of the Alabama far surpasses in inter- 
est that of any other of the Confederate cruisers. 
Semmes was both skilful and lucky; but while his 
prizes surpassed in number and value those of any 
other craft, much has been attributed to his ship 
which belongs to others. Of the nineteen vessels 
which Scharf enumerates, several were small, and 
others never got fairly to sea. Glancing at those 
whose activity was important, the next to note is 
the Florida, which, as has been mentioned, escaped 
from England in the spring of 1862 as the Oreto} 

She reached Nassau, in the Bahamas, April 28, 
and not far away from there was suffered by the 
near-sighted officials to arm and equip herself as a 
man-of-war. Entering upon a cruise, her crew, 
including her captain, Maffitt, were attacked by 
yellow fever: on this account, and also because she 
found her armament imperfect, she sought Mobile, 
getting safely under shelter of Fort Morgan in 

In January, 1863, the Florida emerged, and, elud- 
ing the blockaders, appeared once more at Nassau, 

^Battles and Leaders, IV., 615; Naval War Records, III., 71 
et seq. ^ Hosmer, Appeal to Arms {Am. Nation, XX.), 315. 
2 Soley, Blockade and Cruisers, 183 et seq. 

i863] NAVAL WARFARE i8i 

with a fresh crew and with her defects remedied. 
It was just after Fredericksburg, and the British 
officials were very indulgent; while the people of 
the little town, who were prospering greatly because 
the blockade-runners made it their rendezvous, gave 
the Florida an ovation. She was allowed to stay 
thirty-six hours instead of twenty-four, to obtain 
coal for three months, and shortly after to obtain 
still more at Barbados — all of which was contrary 
to the instructions laid down in London by the 
foreign ofQce. Well supplied now in every way, 
her depredations became important: she ranged 
from the latitude of New York to Bahia, in Brazil, 
capturing and burning many prizes in much fre- 
quented seas. One prize, the Clarence, was preserved 
and set out independently, having a history worth 
remarking. Receiving a small armament and a 
crew under Lieutenant Read, the Clarence, in June, 
1863, after Chancellorsville and when Vallandigham 
was stirring up Ohio, appeared close off the coast, 
and between capes of Virginia and Portland, Maine, 
made several captures. Making a transfer to the 
Tacony, one of his prizes, a better ship, Read soon 
had ten more prizes. By still another transfer, the 
bold sailors foimd themselves on the Archer, from 
which craft, in a daring boat-expedition into Port- 
land harbor, they cut out the United States reve- 
nue-cutter Cushing. The activity of this handful of 
men much aggravated the depression of the North, 
now at its lowest point. But Read was presently 


captured by an expedition sent out from Portland, 
and consigned to Fort Warren. 

In the summer of 1863 the Florida crossed the 
ocean to Brest, in France, whence six months later 
she appeared again refitted. Allowed to coal at 
various places, through negligence or favor, she 
patrolled the Atlantic until October, 1864, when 
her work came to a sudden end at Bahia, in Brazil. 
Here, in port, she encountered the Federal ship 
Wachuset, whose commander, Collins, paying no 
attention to neutral rights, captured her, October 7. 
This seizure, a gross violation of international law, 
Collins sought to justify as proper retaliation for 
breaches of the law of which Brazil had been guilty. 
It was, however, disowned by the government as an 
assumption of authority quite tmw^arranted.* The 
Florida was ordered to be returned, but by an acci- 
dent, the nature of which was never a mystery, she 
sank in Hampton Roads. 

Several vessels from which the Confederacy had 
hoped much either failed entirely to get to sea or 
found their efforts frustrated. The *'Laird rams" 
served no good purpose ; ^ the Alexandra, crossing to 
Nassau in 1863, was there held, and accomplished 
nothing ; the Rappahannock, which had once been a 
despatch-boat of the British navy, frightened off 
early in 1864, while unprepared, and taking refuge at 

^Porter, Naval Hist, of the Civil War, 813; Scharf, Confed. 
Navy, chap. xxvi. 

2 Hosmer, Appeal to Arms {Am. Nation, XX,), 317. 


Calais, was kept inactive there under the guns of a 
French man-of-war ; the Nashville, a beautiful ship, 
was destroyed by the monitor Montauk near Savan- 
nah, February, 28, 1863. The Georgia had only a 
brief career: built in the Clyde, and escaping in 
April, 1863, her construction and equipment man- 
aged by a British firm which was afterwards prose- 
cuted, she cruised for some months in the middle 
and south Atlantic. Seized at last by the Niagara^ 
she was taken into Boston and condemned. An 
especially formidable craft was the Stonewall, a 
French -built partially armored ram, which had be- 
longed to Denmark. Coming late into Confederate 
ownership, in March, 1865, she defied, off Ferrol, in 
Spain, two Federal ships, the Niagara and Sacra- 
mento, which, safe in harbor, pursued the discreet 
course of remaining there. In the end she was sold 
to Japan.* 

With the exception of the Alabama, the most 
famous and the most fortunate commerce-destroyer 
was the Shenandoah, a ship of seven hundred and 
fifty tons, with auxiliary steam-power, very fast, 
which had been in the East India trade. She cleared 
for Bombay from London, October 8, 1864; but 
having been bought beforehand by Captain Bul- 
loch, met near Madeira a vessel containing Captain 
I. T. WaddeU of the Confederacy, together with a 
crew, and also an armament; and was presently 
equipped for her work. Since now American mer- 
^ Scharf, Conjed. Navy, 805. 


chant-ships were becoming rare in the ocean high- 
ways, the Shenandoah followed a new course, planned 
by Commander J. M. Brooke, at Richmond, who 
in 1855, as a member of the North Pacific ex- 
ploring expedition, had learned the habits and 
haunts of the great Am.erican whaling-fleet. For- 
saking the Atlantic, the Shenandoah sailed far south 
to Tristan d'Acunha, landing there the crews of 
prizes she had taken: afterwards she appeared in 
Melbourne, Australia, where, with small respect for 
the neutrality laws, the authorities allowed her to 
remain a month, meantime undergoing repairs, coal- 
ing abundantly, and finally, in spite of the foreign 
enlistment act, recruiting forty-three men.* Thence 
she started in February, 1865, upon the track of the 
whalers — ships often manned by their owners, poor 
men winning a livelihood in the most exposed and 
dangerous of callings. Following her prey from 
point to point, she was heard of among the Caroline 
Islands, in the neighborhood of Honolulu, and later 
in the sea of Ochotsk and at Bering's Straits. It 
was an inglorious warfare, but carried on with skill, 
and telling heavily. The whaling industry was al- 
most extinguished. So remote were her operations 
that she long failed to hear of the close of the war, 
her commander not being convinced until June 28, 
1865, that his cause was lost. He then set sail for 
Liverpool to deliver up his ship to the British gov- 

^ See text of award of the Geneva Tribunal, Am. Annual 
Cyclop., 1872, p. 363. 


ernment. These operations, continued two months 
after Lee's surrender, were the final throes of the 
expiring Confederacy. 

The Federal navy, at the end of 1864, when its 
work in the Civil War had been substantially ac- 
complished, comprised 671 vessels (a few of the num- 
ber being under construction), carrying 4610 guns, 
measuring 410,396 tons, and manned by 51,000 offi- 
cers and sailors. The captures by the navy during 
the war amounted to 1379 vessels, of which 267 
were steamers.^ But, aside from its prizes, what the 
navy achieved in its various fields of effort, on the 
rivers, the blockaded coast, and the high seas, can- 
not be put down in figures. If it be admitted that 
the army was **the right arm of the government" 
in maintaining the Union, then the government had 
two right arms, for the work on the waters can be 
postponed to no second place. 

^ Lincoln, Works (ed. of 1894), IL, 609 (Message of December 
5, 1864). 


(July, i864-February, 1865) 

HILE the navy, in July and August of 1864, 

V V by the victory of the Kearsarge in the English 
Channel and the triumph in Mobile Bay, did much 
to lighten discouragement at the North, nothing 
happened on land to relieve the situation either in 
the eastern or western theatre. About Petersburg 
and Richmond, Grant was constantly beaten back. 
His strategy, so successful at Vicksburg, now came 
to naught; and his hard blows accomplished no 
more. No doubt the trouble was partly due to in- 
efficient subordinates — men retained in high com- 
mand for other than military reasons, who lacked 
the soldierly quality. The chief cause, however, 
of Union disaster, was the ability of Lee, who ap- 
plied his armies and resources with consummate 
generalship, to the confusion of his foes. Grant could 
not press him so hard as to prevent his sending a 
corps of his best troops to the suburbs of Washing- 
ton. Thotigh Early just failed to capture the capi- 
tal, it was more than three months before he ceased to 
cause anxiety. As he withdrew, July 1 2 , 1864, to the 



valley of Virginia before the Sixth Corps, opportune- 
ly arriving, Wright followed him hard ; while Hunter, 
having made a toilsome circuit by the Kanawha 
and Ohio, after his attempt upon Lynchburg, could 
bring the Eighth Corps to bear near Harper's Ferry : 
could Hunter and Wright but unite, Early would 
be in danger. Grant, anxious to strike a blow near 
Richmond before Early could return to Lee, wished 
to divert the Sixth and Nineteenth Corps (the latter 
just arriving from Louisiana) to strengthen the force 
before Petersburg. While W^right drew back tow- 
ards Washington in preparation for embarking, 
Crook with the Eighth Corps alone confronted 
Early, and July 24 was struck heavily on the old 
battle-grotmd at Kernstown. Plainly it was no 
time for withdrawing troops from the valley.^ 

The Sixth and Nineteenth Corps marched back 
through the dust and heat — for forty-six days no 
rain fell — to find Crook in Maryland guarding the 
South Moimtain passes, with Averell at the Potomac 
fords; while Early, more alert than ever, broke up 
the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad and despatched a 
raiding-party under McCausland into Pennsylvania. 
The latter failing to receive from Chambersburg a 
requisition of one hundred thousand dollars in gold, 
burned the town to the ground, July 30, and departed 
on similar errands. Though panic reigned, the sit- 
uation presently improved. Wright joining Crook, 

* Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 94 et seq.; Battles and Leaders, 
IV., 500 et seq. 


the Federals again became formidable ; Averill, pur- 
suing McCausland into Virginia, defeated him at 
Moorefield, August 7, 1864. Grant, much harassed, 
now arrived upon the scene. 

C. A. Dana, at this time in Washington, makes 
very vivid the need of a head ; * things were at sixes 
and sevens, and a radical change was demanded. 
Four military departments, not long before con- 
stituted — West Virginia, Pennsylvania, Washington, 
and the Middle Department — were consolidated into 
the Middle Military Division, to command which the 
best man must be found. Grant suggested W. B. 
Franklin, whom he highly esteemed; but a shadow 
from Fredericksburg and the Red River campaign 
hung over Franklin. The lieutenant-general then 
spoke of Meade, whom Hancock might replace 
at the head of the Army of the Potomac, while 
Gibbon took the Second Corps. ^ That, too, seemed 
inadmissible; whereupon Grant fixed upon Sheri- 
dan, a selection straightway approved. He was 
thirty -three years old, so young, Lincoln frankly 
told him, as to cause apprehension in view of the 
vast responsibility he was to assume. His prin- 
cipal subordinates, and even officers less prominent, 
outranked and in some cases had commanded him. 
Wright, when at the head of a department, had 
recommended Sheridan for a brigadier's commission; 
W. H. Emory, the excellent veteran at the head of 

^ Dana, Recollections, 2^0. 

2 Pond, Shenandoah Valley. 112. 



the Nineteenth Corps, graduated from West Point 
the year Sheridan was born;^ D. A. Russell, a di- 
vision-general of the Sixth Corps, when a captain, 
long had Sheridan under him as a subaltern. These 
worthy seniors, however, took up their work with- 
out a murmur, doing their best ; while a noble band 
of younger men pressed on towards high places. 
Crook was Sheridan's classmate ; Merritt and Custer, 
in their portraits of that time, look like boys ; while 
Charles Russell Lowell, first scholar of the Harvard 
class of 1854, was brilliantly leading a cavalry brigade. 

Though the force in the Middle Military Division 
was large, Sheridan's army in the field numbered 
only about twenty - six thousand men, to whom 
Early opposed about twenty thousand.^ Early was 
backed, however, by a friendly population, among 
whom the young men were eager for partisan ser- 
vice. Ashby was gone, but Gilmor, McNeil, above 
all Mosby, remained, and at the head of guerilla 
bands hung always upon the skirts of the Federals, 
cutting off detachments, stragglers, and all trains not 
strongly guarded. It is not pleasant to record that 
the war was now assimiing a more ruthless aspect 
than heretofore.^ ''In pushing up the Shenandoah 
Valley," wrote Grant, August 5, "it is desirable that 
nothing should be left to invite the enemy to re- 
turn. Take everything necessary for the troops — 
horses, mules, cattle, food, and forage, and such as 

^Cullum, Register of U. S. Military Acad., art. Emory. 

2 Sheridan, Personal Memoirs, I., 471-475. ^Ibid., 486. 


cannot be consumed, destroy. The people should 
be informed that so long as an army can subsist 
among them, recurrences of these raids must be 
expected, and we are determmed to stop them at 
all hazards." ^ While dwellings were to be pre- 
served, the devastation was to be so complete that 
* ' a crow flying over the country would need to carry 
his rations." The garden of Virginia was to be 
made a desert. The valley population, among 
whom were a considerable element of non-resistant 
Dunkards and Quakers, had been allowed to a large 
extent to commute for service in the field by fur- 
nishing subsistence, which had been rendered plenti- 
fully.^ By laying waste the farms this was made 
impossible. If the Confederates never systemati- 
cally practised like measures, it was due to the lack 
of opportunity and not of disposition. McCaus- 
land's raid on Chambersburg showed them to be 
without scruple. 

As Sheridan, in the first days of August, with his 
strong army resting on a secure base near Harper's 
Ferry, faced the Confederates, Early retired south- 
ward along the valley pike, so much tramped in 
these years, to Strasburg, whither Sheridan cau- 
tiously followed, the mountain Massanutten, as two 
years before, looking down on the manoeuvres.^ 
Here Early was formidably reinforced, and Sheridan 

1 Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 118; Cf. Sheridan, Personal Mem- 
oirs, I., 464. 2 Pond, Shenandoah, Valley, 2. 
3 War Records, Serial No. 90, pp. 8-613 (Shenandoah Valley). 


prudently countermarched before the refluent enemy, 
once more to Harper's Ferry, which, said the wits, 
ought rather to be called, from its periodical occu- 
pations, Harper's Weekly. Once more Early wreck- 
ed the Baltimore & Ohio road, and set Pennsyl- 
vania into panic ; while Sheridan, whose reputation 
with many was merely that of a hare-brained and 
foolhardy fighter, kept to his lines, with what the 
impatient country deemed sluggishness. 

Towards the end of August, Grant demonstrated 
heavily before Petersburg; Lee, it was believed, 
must withdraw troops from his valley army to make 
good his hold at Richmond, and at last the with- 
drawal was announced. Through Crook, Sheridan 
communicated with a young Quakeress, a school- 
mistress of Winchester, who loved the old flag. 
When one day tidings came from her that Ander- 
son had marched southward, Sheridan sprang im- 
petuously upon his weakened adversary.^ On the 
morning of September 19, 1864, to Sheridan's 37,711 
effectives, Early could oppose scarcely half as many ; 
yet, thinking light of his opponent, he marched 
away from his post at Winchester, with a heavy de- 
tachment, leaving in fact but the one isolated di- 
vision of Ramseur to hold the place. Sheridan 
crossed the Opequon Creek, and the infantry was 
soon driving Ramseur to the rear. An unfortunate 
delay on the part of the infantry gave Early time 
to return, when Rodes and Gordon hurried at once 
* Sheridan, Personal Memoirs, IL, 5. 


to Ramseur's help. A brilliant flank attack, in 
which Russell, of the Sixth Corps, lost his life, 
checked the Confederate advance. Just here fell, 
on the other side, Robert E. Rodes, a splendid sol- 
dier, who led Stonewall Jackson's charge at Chan- 
cellorsville, and had never failed in action. Early 
now was forced back, fleeing south to Strasburg 
without pause. The losses in killed, wounded, and 
missing were, Federal, about five thousand; Con- 
federate, about four thousand.* 

The victory of Opequon Creek, though decided, 
was not crushing, Early declaring that Sheridan 
showed great incapacity in not destroying him.^ It 
was, however, the first good news that had come to 
the North from Virginia for many a day, and it 
was made the most of. Closely related to this fight 
was that of Fisher's Hill, where Early in his flight 
paused in a strong position west of Massanutten. 
Sheridan, whose natural impetuosity, long pent up, 
now had full course, stormed after him, his numer- 
ous and excellent cavalry vexing the Confederate 
rear and flank by every art known to troopers. 

Early made the most of his resources, posting two 
brigades of cavalry in the narrow Luray Valley, east 
of Massanutten, besides his main front in the western 
valley. September 22, 1864, while Sheridan directed 
his main army against Fisher's Hill, he sent Torbert, 
with a strong cavalry force, up the Luray Valley 

* Livermore, Numbers and Losses, 127. 
2 Early, Last Year of the War, 75. 



with the idea of crossing the mountain to assail 
Early's rear from Newmarket. Through the slack 
conduct of Torbert the Confederates escaped com- 
plete surrounding and capture, though they suffered 
a great disaster. While Crook charged from the 
west at Fisher's Hill, Wright and Emory attacked 
in front. A large number of prisoners and many 
guns were taken, and the remnant of the army driven 
south in a disorganized mass.^ The pursuit contin- 
ued to Harrisonburg, to Port Republic, and thence 
to the gaps of the Blue Ridge, through which the 
fugitives hurried ; for the moment the dispossession 
of the Confederates from their beloved valley was 

While the troops of Sheridan now ranged at will 
from Staunton to Harper's Ferry, and his trium- 
phant corps occupied every point of vantage, 
neither the spirit nor the resources of the foe were 
exhausted, so that swiftness and vigilance were 
as necessary as ever. The policy of devastation 
drove the population to fury, and guerillas led by 
Mosby and his colleagues swarmed like hornets 
wherever there was a chance for reprisal. Nor 
could Grant so threaten Lee as to prevent the de- 
tachment from Richmond of a new army. Ker- 
shaw's infantry and Rosser's cavalry were imme- 
diately put in motion to succor the valley, and 
Early, undiscouraged, rallied the fugitives and 
stragglers till he was strong again. Meantime, on 

* War Records, Serial No. 90, p. 170 et seq. (Fisher's Hill). 

VOL. XXI.— 13 


the Federal side the scheme of devastation was in 
full course. Two thousand barns and seventy mills, 
filled with the products of the recent harvest, went 
up in flames; w^hile all horses, mules, beeves, and 
sheep that could be found went to the victors: to 
break their power to produce food, even the imple- 
ments of the farmers were destroyed. As a rule, 
dwellings were carefully spared; but near Harrison- 
burg, Lieutenant Meigs, a young engineer officer, 
was killed by guerillas; whereupon every house 
within a circuit of five miles, by Sheridan's orders, 
was burned.^ It was through smoke and ashes at 
last that the Federals marched from the upper 
valley back to Strasburg, and close in their rear 
followed Early, strengthened and confident. 

October was now advancing, and Grant pressed 
more urgently than ever for aid from Sheridan in 
his ill-starred campaign east of the Blue Ridge. 
Why did the situation in the valley need a great 
army ? Surely, after what had been done, the Eighth 
Corps, with cavalry, ought to suffice for a guard, 
while Wright and perhaps Emory might come back 
to the James. The Sixth Corps was indeed put in 
motion, but at the moment occurred a thing omi- 
nous. At a point on Three Top, the triple summit 
of Massanutten, twenty-five hundred feet high, was 
a hostile signal - station, from which one day the 
Federals made out from the waving flags the follow- 
ing message: ''Be ready to move as soon as my 
^ Sheridan, Personal Memoirs, I., 484 et seq. 



troops join you and we will crush Sheridan. — Long- 
street." It was true that Longstreet, after his 
wounds in the Wilderness, was in the field again. 
Was he coming to the valley, or was it only a Con- 
federate ruse? Sheridan was in doubt, but to be 
safe he kept together his three corps and his cavalry. 
As to himself, however, he thought he might be 
spared for a few days, since Halleck was urgent for 
a consultation with him at Washington. Leaving 
his camp October 16, he took a train east of the 
Blue Ridge and was in the capital on the 17th. 
His errand accomplished, he was back at Winchester, 
twenty miles from his army, on the evening of the 
1 8th. Hearing from the front that all was quiet, 
the general slept soimdly till morning. 

The message caught from the flags on Three Top 
was probably the hoax of some irresponsible joker: 
it could not have been sent with Early's connivance, 
for its natural result was to strengthen the force in 
front of him : Sheridan, on departing from Washing- 
ton, left his army alert and concentrated, with the 
trustworthy Wright in command. But the Con- 
federates were not idle. General J. B. Gordon and 
Captain Jed Hotchkiss, the latter an accomplished 
engineer officer, climbed Massanutten and surveyed 
from Three Top the Federal camps in the valley 
below. Through the auttimnal woods could be seen 
on the Federal left, where Cedar Creek enters the 
north fork of the Shenandoah, the tents of the 
Eighth Corps, the division of Thoburn on the Fed- 


eral left : farther back, en echelon towards the west, 
lay the Nineteenth Corps ; and last the Sixth Corps, 
the latter well towards Middletown, the hamlet north 
of Strasburg along the line of the valley pike.* 

What happened to Wright on October 19, 1864, 
Sheridan generously declares might easily have 
happened to himself.^ Long before light, Kershaw, 
fording the creek, assailed the Eighth Corps in front ; 
while Gordon, having closely marked the path- 
way, threw himself upon the left flank. In the dark- 
ness, thickened by a fog from the streams, the 
Confederates, who had left even their canteens 
behind lest a rattling might betray their approach, 
effected a complete surprise. No Federal com- 
mander was warier than Crook, but no warning 
came even to him. Thoburn was killed at once, 
and his division thrown into confusion. Gallantly 
active in the wreck was Colonel Rutherford B. 
Hayes, commanding the other division, but the 
charge could not be stemmed; and soon the Nine- 
teenth Corps was scarcely less demoralized, capable 
and well-disciplined though its divisions were, under 
William Dwight and Cuvier Grover. At length the 
Sixth Corps became involved, as the lava-flood of 
Confederate valor poured northward. Early himself, 
now at the head of the troops of Wharton, stimulat- 
ing the fervor. The Union lines had time to form. 
Ricketts replaced Wright in command of the corps 

* Gordon, Reminiscences of the Civil War, 333, 
2 Sheridan, Personal Memoirs, II., 96. 


when the latter took the army; but both generals 
were struck down with wounds, w^hereupon Getty 
took the corps, Lewis A. Grant, ''Vermont Grant," 
heading Getty's division. Though the losses and 
confusion were appalling, the Sixth Corps stood, 
Grant's Vermonters being conspicuous in their 
steadfastness. It was now between eight and nine 
o'clock; the fog was lifting so that the peril could 
be seen; the Confederates, as often before, too con- 
fident of victory, were leaving their colors to plun- 
der the captured camps. ^ Wright, in spite of a 
wound in the jaw, was still on the field, and though 
driven from his position some miles northward, was 
not conquered. 

Sheridan at Winchester, on the morning of the 
19th, took a comfortable breakfast, undisturbed by 
reports from the southern outskirts that cannonad- 
ing could be heard. The night before all was quiet : 
Wright had announced a reconnoissance, and the 
volleys might easily come from that. As he set out 
up the valley at a leisurely pace, the low, continuous 
rumble became alarming, and he soon encountered 
signs of a great disaster — frightened fugitives and 
trains on a run to the rear. Ordering the brigade 
at Winchester to form a cordon across the turnpike 
and arrest all flight, he sped forward upon the road, 
the evidences of rout becoming more plain with 
every mile. To the unvarying tales of terror he 
opposed appeals, commands, imprecations, incite- 

^ This is denied by J. B. Gordon, Reminiscences, 355 et seq. 


merits to action; and behind him as he passed, the 
fugitives, with courage restored, turned about and 
hurried back to duty. Probably during the war 
no other such exhibition occurred of the power con- 
tained in the magnetic spell of a born leader. He 
halted at the position of "Vermont Grant's" men 
before the forenoon ended; and Custer, galloping 
across the fields from the cavalry, threw his arms 
about his neck. The retreat had gone far enough: 
there was still time to repossess the old camps, per- 
haps to do more. 

The afternoon brought a Federal triumph. Against 
the wall of Massanutten the thunders of the battle 
w^ere redoubled : in the disordered mob were extem- 
porized formations that proved effective: right and 
left the cavalry swept forward pitiless ; the unbroken 
Sixth Corps was in the heart of the conflict ; the hold 
of Early upon the field was beaten off; by nightfall 
no enemy remained north of the stream save as a 
captive. Fifteen hundred and ninety-one Federals, 
most of whom Early had taken in the first onset, 
were carried off to Richmond: besides these there 
was a Federal loss of 4074, among them several of 
the best officers of the army. Said Sheridan of 
Lowell, w^ho received his death wound in the mo- 
ment of victory: "I do not think there was a qual- 
ity I could have added to him : he was the perfec- 
tion of a man and a soldier." ^ A Confederate loss of 
nearly three thousand was inflicted, young General 
^ Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 240. 



Ramseur being especially lamented; the cannon 
v/hich Early had captured were all retaken, with 
twenty-four of his own. While the infantry paused, 
the horsemen pursued, until Early's army, stripped 
of its trains, its flags, to a large extent of its weap- 
ons, seemed to melt away into the friendly country 
that surrounded it.^ 

It was a great defeat, but there was no sign of 
yielding. Sheridan retired to Winchester, pressed 
by Grant to operate east of the Blue Ridge and de- 
tach troops to Richmond. But even now it was 
not safe. Rosser was boldly active in the lower 
valley; and Early, though with only two brigades, 
stood threatening at Staunton; the irregulars were 
by no means disposed of. It was not until winter 
that a part of Sheridan's army reached City Point; 
with the remainder he undertook winter expedi- 
tions of great hardship against the Virginia Central 
Railroad; and finally, in February, against Early 
about Staunton. March 2, Custer swept up at 
Waynesboro all that remained in the w^ay of a regu- 
lar force, a few war-worn men and trophies, more 
pathetic than glorious, of battered arms and tat- 
tered banners, leaving Sheridan free to appear in a 
new theatre. 

The Federal armies in Georgia and in the Shenan- 
doah Valley had, after difficult struggles, won great 
triumphs : the Army of the Potomac met harder fort- 

* Early, Last Year of the War, 82 ; Gordon, Reminiscence Sy 
chaps, xxiv., xxv. 


une. Its labors and sacrifices were colossal, but the 
spring of 1865 arrived before the series of humilia- 
tions which began nearly a year before fairly ended. 
We have traced these to the midsummer of 1864. 
Then follow Deep Bottom, the Weldon Road, Reams' 
Station, Fort Harrison, the Boydton Plank Road, 
Hatcher's Run — a line of names with most melan- 
choly associations, stretching on to the end of the 
winter. With dreadful loss. Grant tried now on 
this side, now on that, to pierce Lee's impregnable 
defence — a dismal monotony of failure.^ Yet Lee's 
communications were partially broken; the strait 
at Richmond became acute; and the constant im- 
pact of the Federal hammer, though often as disas- 
trous to the smiter as to the smitten, slowly told on 
the scanty resources of the South; the North could 
stand attrition. In the Federal grip, Lee could 
send no help to Johnston and Hood, and only a 
meagre measure to Early in the valley. The iron 
will of Grant, hard and constant day in and day out, 
bore down upon the Confederate resistance. The 
breaking-point was near. 

1 War Records, Serial No. 87, pp. 1-956 (Richmond Campaign); 
Battles and Leaders, IV., 533 et seq. 


(September, i864-December, 1864) 

ON the night of September i, 1864, Sherman, 
then well south of Atlanta, heard explosions 
which gave evidence that Hood was abandoning 
the city. Next day he learned that he had not 
been deceived. Slocum, who had been summoned 
from Vicksburg to command the Twentieth Corps in 
place of Hooker (who now resigned in displeasure 
at the promotion over his head of juniors, and disap- 
peared from history), left his camp on the Chatta- 
hoochee and took possession of the city; the four 
months' campaign had succeeded.^ 

For a week or two a reaction set in from the in- 
tense exertion of the summer.^ After the fatigue 
and strain, rest was necessary; the terms of regi- 
ments were expiring ; new troops were arriving, and 
must be placed and drilled. The portion of the Six- 
teenth Corps present in Georgia, having lost through 
wounds its commander, G. M. Dodge, was distrib- 
uted, one division going to the Twentieth Corps, and 

1 W. T. Sherman, Memoirs, II., 108. 

2 Cox, Military Reminiscences, II., 292 et seq. 


another to the Seventeenth; the name Sixteenth 
Corps henceforth belongs to the two divisions now 
in Missouri, commanded by A. J. Smith, twelve 
thousand serviceable men, as was often proved. 
But neither the situation nor the commander made 
a long-continued languor possible. Not far off, at 
Lovejoy's Station, Hood by the middle of the 
month became active again; and Sherman was 
ready for new movements. 

We have seen that at this time in the Shenandoah 
Valley the war was assuming a severer aspect than 
before; Grant prescribed and Sheridan carried out 
a policy of devastation that was new. The spirit 
in the West was no milder, a foretaste of what was 
to come appearing in an order for the destruction of 
Atlanta and the deportation of its people. What- 
ever the city contained that could be made useful 
to the Confederacy — factories, storehouses, machine- 
shops, mills — whether distinctly public property or 
the possessions of individuals which might be used 
for public purposes, was to be sacrificed; since 
Atlanta had become a great centre for supplies, and 
had now little importance otherwise, the order 
meant a wiping out of the city; its population must 
go elsewhere, the Federal general undertaking no 
more than to conduct the exodus humanely.^ Hood 
made an earnest protest against the "barbarity" 
of the measure, to which Sherman replied with 
equal vigor, a controversy of some length taking 
* W. T. Sherman, Memoirs, II., iii. 

i864] MARCH TO THE SEA 203 

place. But there was no mitigation of the order on 
the part of Sherman. 

It was, however, a time for weapons rather than 
words. Jefferson Davis appeared in September in 
the camp of Hood, to concert plans and apply incite- 
ments. Beauregard, too, who had done excellent 
service about Petersburg, after his successful de- 
fence of Charleston, came once more to the West as 
commander-in-chief,* soon making his headquarters 
in the familiar camp at Corinth ; while leaving Hood 
free in the field, he was near at hand for counsel, his 
jurisdiction including also the region farther west 
and south throughout Alabama and Mississippi, over 
which Dick Taylor had been placed.^ 

Passing around Atlanta, Hood was presently on 
Sherman's communications, breaking up the rail- 
road to Chattanooga and compelling an advance by 
the Federal army northward to the neighborhood 
of Marietta. October 5, the important position at 
Allatoona was in great danger; but Sherman, giv- 
ing and receiving signals over the heads of the 
enemy, from Kenesaw Mountain to a station eigh- 
teen miles distant, was at last assured of the arrival 
of the division of John M. Corse, and that Allatoona 
would be held.^ Hood made another attempt at 
Resaca; but the duplicates were close at hand for 
every part of the railroad that might be destroyed, 

^ Roman, Beauregard, II., 283. 

2 Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction, 206 et seq. 
^ W. T. Sherman, Memoirs, II., 147. 


and Colonel Wright quickly made good every loss. 
** Hood soon marched farther west into northern Ala- 
bama, fixing himself at last near Florence, on the 
bank of the Tennessee River. Sherman followed, 
being at the end of October at Gaylesville, near 
the Georgia line, a point beyond which he did not 

In these days, in fact, Sherman was maturing a 
memorable plan — namely, to cut loose from his 
base of the summer and march with a great army 
to the coast, depending upon the country traversed 
for his support; exactly where he should emerge he 
was in doubt — whether at Charleston, Savannah, 
Pensacola, or Mobile. He was convinced that such 
a march might be made, and that in his absence, 
Thomas, with troops that were available, could cope 
with Hood. His sanguine spirit was sure that, 
could his idea prevail, the heart of the South might 
be penetrated while the force of Hood was overcome. 
It was not easy to persuade others. Thomas, to 
whom a most essential part was assigned, doubted 
the feasibility of the plan; Lincoln and Grant were 
full of hesitation, the latter being disposed to in- 
sist that Hood should be destroyed before the march 
to the sea was attempted/ 

This reluctance was well grounded, for the idea 
was far from prudent, and critics still urge that the 
risks should not have been encountered.^ This great 

^ W. T. Sherman, Memoirs, 153 et seq. 

2 Ropes, in Atlantic Monthly, LXVIIl., 200. 



army would throw itself, without provisions, into 
the midst of a numerous, brave, and desperately 
hostile population, to make its way as it could 
through hundreds of miles to its new base, leaving 
behind, unvanquished, an army of more than fifty 
thousand excellent soldiers under very capable direc- 
tion. "Nothing venture nothing have" is a maxim 
more applicable in warfare perhaps than in any 
other sphere; the brilliant successes of Lee came 
through discarding prudence and taking great risks. 
Sherman's superiors considered his idea too auda- 
cious; but finally, on November 2, Grant yielded, 
telegraphing, "Go on as you propose." The plan 
was pushed at once with all possible energy. 

Sherman picked for his expedition sixty-two 
thousand men, divided into four corps,* the Four- 
teenth, under Jefferson C. Davis, the Fifteenth, 
Peter J. Osterhaus (Logan, the proper commander, 
being absent), the Seventeenth, Frank P. Blair, and 
the Twentieth, A. S. Williams: the Fourteenth and 
Twentieth Corps constituted the left wing, under 
Henry W. Slocuni; the Fifteenth and Seventeenth 
I the right wing, under Oliver O. Howard. Included 
I in the number were five thousand cavalry under 
Judson Kilpatrick, and there were sixty-five guns. 
In the rigid selection, poor or doubtful material was 
sent to the rear. Every man was a seasoned veteran 
in the best strength and morale ; and as perfect as 

j ^ War Records, Serial No. 92, pp. 1-4 18 (Savannah Campaign); 
(I Cox, March to the Sea, Franklin and Nashville. 



the force was the equipment, though there was noth- 
ing superfluous. There were six hundred ambulances 
and twenty-five hundred wagons, the latter sepa- 
rated into four trains, one for each corps, each train 
on the march stretching out five miles. While the 
arms were of the best and ammunition plentiful, 
the store of food was small: the country was to 
supply that. Nor were there tents: Sherman him- 
self had only a ''fly" — an outer cover; the army in 
general had nothing but the blue canopy. Stripped 
thus for work, well shod, clothed, weaponed, in good 
heart, used to victory, trusting their leaders, full of 
American intelligence, it is hard to conceive of a 
more perfect military instrument than Sherman's 

Communication with Chattanooga was broken 
November 12, 1864, Atlanta was left behind on the 
1 6th, the conflagration of everything in the city that 
could be made of service to the Confederacy conclud- 
ing the occupation. To the relentlessness of the 
spirit in which Sherman set forth for Savannah — 
for he determined upon the eastward march — he 
gave the fullest and frankest expression: "If the 
people raise a howl against my barbarity and cruelty, 
I will answer that war is war and not popularity- 
seeking. If they want peace, they and their rela- 
tives must stop the war." To Governor Brown, of 
Georgia, whom he hoped to detach from the Con- 
federacy, he sent a message that, '*If you remain 
inert, I will be compelled to go ahead and devastate 

i864] MARCH TO THE SEA 207 

the State in its whole length and breadth.'* He 
telegraphed Grant, October 9: ''Until we can re- 
populate Georgia, it is useless for us to occupy it; 
but the utter destruction of its roads, horses, and 
people will cripple their military resources. I can 
make this march and make Georgia howl." On 
October 19 he telegraphed to his commissary, 
Beckwith: "I propose to sally forth to ruin Geor- 
gia and bring up on the sea- shore. Make all dispo- 
sitions accordingly."^ 

The formal field orders, issued November 9, were 
less truculent in tone. While the army was "to 
forage liberally on the country," order was to pre- 
vail. Each brigade w^as to have its foraging party, 
properly organized and commanded by ''discreet 
officers." Soldiers were forbidden "to enter dwell- 
ings or commit any trespass," while taking what 
they might find in gardens. Corps commanders 
alone had power to destroy mills, houses, cotton- 
gins, etc. Where the army was unmolested, no 
destruction of such property was to be permitted; 
but if roads were obstructed or bushwhacking oc- 
curred, "army commanders should order and enforce 
a devastation more or less unsparing, according to 
the measure of such hostility." ^ 

"I remember well," says Sherman, describing an 
occurrence such as must often have happened, "the 
appeal of a very respectable farmer against our 

^W. T, Sherman, Memoirs, II., iii, 138, 152, 159. 
^Ibid., 175. 


men driving away his fine flock of sheep. I ex- 
plained to him that we were a strong, hungry crowd 
and needed plenty of food; that Uncle Sam was 
deeply interested in our continued health. We 
preferred Illinois beef, but mutton would have to 
answer. Poor fellow! I don't believe he was con- 
vinced of the wisdom or wit of my explanation." ^ 

The nature of the general was indeed kindly and 
wholesome, and that, too, was the character of the 
men whom he commanded: they were really averse 
to cruelty, and though in the stern warfare a sad 
overturn of ordinary ethics came about, yet in 
some ways there was a remarkable abstention from 
violence: there was almost no wanton slaying of 
men or maltreatment of women from first to last. 
No doubt the disposition of the soldiers would have 
been far milder but for the fact that thirty-two 
thousand Federal prisoners at Andersonville, within 
the state, they believed were dying of starvation, 
though in a land of apparent plenty. 

The army set out in perfect autumnal weather, in 
the highest spirits, and it soon became apparent 
that their enterprise was to be in the nature of a 
cheerful excursion, rather than a course of peril 
and hardship. The country teemed from an abun- 
dant harvest. Howard struck southeast towards 
Macon : ^ Slocum, whom Sherman accompanied, 
marched towards Augusta, the diverging directions 

* W. T. Sherman, Memoirs, II., 158. 

' Howard, in Battles and Leaders, IV., 663. 

i864] MARCH TO THE SEA 209 

of the wings perplexing the foe as to the destination. 
Indeed, no effective opposition was possible for the 
South: a skirmish took place near Macon between 
Georgia troops and one brigade of the Fifteenth 
Corps ; and the left wing was aware of the neighbor- 
hood of Wheeler on its flank with a small body of 
cavalry. In the main, the progress was quite un- 
impeded, excepting that the negroes trooped from 
far and near, young and old, sick and well, in a 
vague, childlike hope of being led into some prom- 
ised land of plenty and freedom. Receiving a 
certain number of able-bodied men as pioneers, 
Sherman turned the rest back : they must patiently 
await the good time to come. 

Three hundred miles lay between Atlanta and 
Savannah: after a week the two wings were to 
rendezvous at Milledgeville. Marching from twelve 
to fifteen miles a day, this was easily accomplished 
by November 23.* Leaving Sherman well on his 
way, let us turn to Thomas, whose task proved 
to be more difficult than that of his chief. 

Grant sent west from the Army of the Potomac 
James H. Wilson, to lead the cavalry, with the 
work of which arm in the Atlanta campaign Sher- 
man had not been satisfied. Grant thought Wilson 
would increase the value of the cavalry fifty per cent., 
and at first desired that Wilson should attempt the 
march to the sea, while Sherman and the infantry 
should remain behind to dispose of Hood. Different 
^ Nichols, Story of the Great March, 56. 

VOL. XXI.— 14 


counsel prevailing, Wilson — a young soldier of the 
West Point class of i860 — now set against the re- 
doubtable Forrest — remained with Thomas. No- 
vember was well advanced before Hood was able 
to move/ He had been slowly accumulating troops 
and supplies for a campaign, as the railroads were 
everywhere broken up and the region impoverished 
and bare of men. But a formidable army of 53,958 
men was at last ready, massed in three corps, under 
A. P. Stewart, S. D. Lee, and B. F. Cheatham, 
besides the cavalry of Forrest, nearly ten thousand 
strong. The latter was at his best, exciting Sher- 
man's ''admiration " by capturing, October 29, with 
his troopers and small field-guns, two Tennessee River 
gun-boats and five transports.^ 

To oppose Hood, Thomas throughout the fall was 
only scantily provided. Sherman proposed at first 
to leave with Thomas only the Fourth Corps, under 
D. S. Stanley; but finally spared also the Twenty- 
third Corps, under Schofield, the two making up 
about twenty-five thousand men. A. J. Smith, 
also, with his two divisions of the Sixteenth Corps, 
of about twelve thousand men, was to arrive when 
he could from western Missouri. Besides these, 
Thomas had Wilson's cavalry, in great part un- 
mounted and not organized, and could draw a few 
thousand troops from garrisons at fortified posts 

* War Records, Serial No. 93, pp. 21-776 (North Alabama and 
Middle Tennessee). 

2 Cox, March to the Sea, Franklin and Nashville, 15. 



and established as railroad guards; and in a strait 
he might arm the quartermaster's clerks and em- 
ployes at Nashville and elsewhere — untrained men 
from whom little could be expected. Thomas, 
though not inferior in numbers to Hood, was in 
fact ill-prepared, his force being to a considerable 
extent raw and widely scattered. Ropes, who 
doubts the wisdom of this whole undertaking of 
Sherman, urges that he should have at least spared 
his lieutenant twelve thousand more men, and made 
his march with fifty thousand.^ Sherman admits 
at the time of his departure ''things looked squally." 
It was with meagre resources that Thomas confronted, 
in November, his desperate and skilful adversaries. 

The Civil War offers few better examples of mili- 
tary work, from the general-in-chief down, than the 
Nashville campaign. Hood's advance began No- 
vember 20, and was pressed impetuously towards 
Nashville, the Confederate leader well knowing his 
advantage.^ Thomas posted Schofield with the 
Fourth and Twenty-third Corps, at the moment his 
only trustworthy and properly prepared troops, 
near the Tennessee line, with instructions to delay 
the march of Hood to the uttermost, retiring upon 
Nashville only as he was forced.^ Schofield per- 
formed his task with great coolness and ability. 
With numbers less than half the Confederate force, 

* Ropes, in Atlantic Monthly, LXVIII., 198 et seq. 

* Hood, in Battles and Leaders, IV., 425. 

^ Schofield, Forty-six Years in the Army, 425. 


he boldly barred the way northward, yielding only 
when Hood, flanking him on the left, was on the 
point of striking in upon his rear at Spring Hill. 
Here apparently the Confederates lost a great op- 
portunity, and whether the commander or a sub- 
ordinate was to blame is much controverted.^ At 
all events, Schofield with all his trains and men 
passed northward safely on the turnpike, while 
their foes slept peacefully about their bivouac-fires 
not many rods distant. A few miles farther on, at 
the town of Franklin, the Harpeth River crossed 
the line of retreat, and the bridges had been partly 
destroyed. To save his trains, Schofield here made 
a stand, November 30. 

Leaving the Fourth Corps, under Stanley, and the 
Twenty-third Corps, under Jacob D. Cox, on the 
south bank, while Wilson with the cavalry obstructed 
the fords to the east before Forrest, Schofield him- 
self took post on a fortified hill on the north bank, 
whence the whole neighborhood could be overlooked, 
and also commanded by the cannon which were 
hastily placed. The trains rumbled steadily on over 
the bridges which had been partially repaired, and 
meantime, throughout the forenoon the two corps 
prepared for battle as they could. ^ Hood was right 
at hand, himself so crippled with old wounds as to 
be obliged to lie prostrate, but he infused into his 
army all possible fire. 

* Hood, Advance and Retreat, 292. 

' Schofield, Forty-six Years in the Army, 175. 

1864] MARCH TO THE SEA 213 

The attack was made towards four o'clock of the 
short autiimn day ; ^ and into the brief twilight and 
into a few hundred yards space on either side of 
the turnpike was compressed one of the most dread- 
ful tragedies of the entire war, the deadly battle be- 
tween Schofield and Hood, classmates and former 
friends. Hood's troops were not fully up, lacking 
two divisions of the corps of S. D. Lee. He had 
therefore about twenty-seven thousand men, to 
whom Schofield opposed about the same number.^ 
The assailants flung themselves upon the slight 
Federal intrenchments with a reckless bravery ex- 
traordinary even for such soldiers as they, and at the 
outset came near gaining an advantage that would 
have been decisive. The division commander who 
covered the Federal rear in the retreat from Spring 
Hill, contrary to orders left two brigades isolated 
on the turnpike, a furlong or so out from the line 
of works. These were struck with the utmost im- 
petuosity by an entire corps, and fleeing, as they 
were at once forced to do, in a few moments they 
came down in disorder upon their friends. Right 
upon their heels, intermingled with them, indeed, 
charged the enemy ; the troops in position could not 
fire without killing friends as well as foes ; immedi- 
ately the crowd of fugitives was throwing the lines 
in the earthworks into confusion, and the pur- 
suers climbed with the pursued into the intrench- 

* Hood, Advance and Retreat, 294. 

^ LiYermore, Numbers and Losses, 131, 


ments. Cox was fortunately at the point of dan- 
ger. The brigade of Opdycke by its steadfastness 
prevented a disaster, and, in general, troops could 
not behave better. 

East, south, and west the assaults were pressed 
with fury; the inner and outer slopes of the slight 
parapets in some cases were held respectively by 
Federals and Confederates, who fought hand to 
hand across the crests. But the volleys of the de- 
fenders were unremitting and deadly; and from 
across the river the rifled guns at Schofield's posi- 
tion crushed many who escaped the musketry. The 
repulse at last was complete, and rarely has the loss 
been so large in proportion to the number engaged. 
About six thousand Confederates fell before Hood 
would withdraw, among whom were twelve officers 
of the rank of general.^ One cannot stand to-day 
at the Carter House, where the conflict focussed, 
surveying the field in front, over which the assail- 
ants drove the routed outposts, marking the spot 
at the distance of a stone's throw where Cleburne 
was slain at the front of his fiery colimm on the 
very muzzles of Cox's infantry, without feeling his 
heart beat quick with excitement. It was a nar- 
row chance, but the repulse was complete. Before 
the night ended, Schofield, whose losses were scarce- 
ly a third those of Hood, took up his march, and 

*Cox, March to tlie Sea, Franklin and Nashville, 97; Cox, Mil- 
itary Reminiscences, II., chaps, xliii,, xliv.; Cox, Battle of Frank- 
lin, passim. 

1 864] MARCH TO THE SEA 215 

next day, with trains, guns, and troops in good order, 
covered the twenty miles to Nashville. 

Great anxiety prevailed as to what Thomas could 
do to stem Hood's northward rush. In truth, the 
situation was very precarious. Throughout the 
fall, Thomas had to face the concentrated force of 
Hood with an inferior and widely scattered army. 
The country, the administration. Grant himself, 
appeared to lack an appreciation of his difficulties. 
He was censured for sluggishness when he really had 
at hand no proper means with which to strike. At 
last, in December, John A. Logan was sent to super- 
sede him, while Grant, quite too impatient, set out 
from City Point for the West. Nevertheless, all 
worked to a good end. While Schofield delayed 
and crippled his powerful adversary, the fine di- 
visions of A. J. Smith had time to arrive from Mis- 
souri; an important contingent came in from the 
outside garrisons, the most nimierous and effective 
part being a detachment from Chattanooga, under 
J. B. Steedman; the clerks and porters at the great 
depots stood to arms manfully. When all was 
ready, a winter storm covered the country with a 
glare of ice on which neither horse nor man could 
move. But on December 15 operations became 

A Federal victory was now really a foregone con- 
clusion. Hood's force was now only half as large 
as Thomas's, the Confederates having been reduced 
by the campaign to less than twenty-four thou- 


sand.* With discouragement sapping the vigor of 
the men, and many of the best officers fallen, he 
was, however, still occupying hills close by Nash- 
ville, while the Federal army slowly but surely and 
thoroughly accumulated. In the attack of Decem- 
ber 15, Steedman held the left of Thomas, and did 
well; Schofield had the centre; but the main work 
of the day was assigned to the fresh troops of A. J. 
Smith and to Wilson's cavalry, who were on the 
right. The Confederates, outnumbered and dis- 
heartened, were soon driven; nor was a second 
attempt to stem the Federal victory the follow- 
ing day more successful. Retreat became rout, cul- 
minating in an annihilation such as had followed 
no previous defeat of the war. Wilson swept from 
the state of Tennessee every trace of Confederate 
power. The joy of the North was the more keen 
from the apprehension which up to the moment of 
victory had been so oppressive. 

The peals and salvoes after Nashville were scarce- 
ly quieted when on Christmas eve Lincoln received 
the following telegram: ''I beg to present you as a 
Christmas gift the city of Savannah, with one hun- 
dred and fifty heavy guns, plenty of ammunition, 
also about twenty-five thousand bales of cotton. — 
W. T. Sherman, major-general."^ The march to 
the sea was accomplished. The later stages were 
no more difficult or dangerous than the beginning. 

* Livermore, Numbers and Losses, 132. 
^ W. T. Sherman, Memoirs, II., 231. 



The steady rate of twelve or fifteen miles a day was 
adhered to: no force blocked the path: no storms 
occurred to mar the pleasure of the excursion. 
Throughout a belt of country some sixty miles in 
width, sixty-two thousand men had marched, lay- 
ing waste as they went — a drastic process, which 
brought the Confederacy to its knees as nothing else 
could have done. The defences of Savannah were 
easily overpowered, though Hardee was in com- 
mand. That prudent general, however, escaped 
capture, and with a small army made ready as he 
could for still another fight. 



(September, 1864-MARCH, 1865) 

I^HE series of Federal successes beginning with 
the victory of the Kearsarge over the Alabama , 
June 19, 1864, and followed up by the triumph in 
Mobile Bay, the capture of Atlanta, the overthrow 
of Early in the valley of Virginia, the repulse of 
Hood, and the march through Georgia to the sea, 
established the administration firmly. It was really 
a piece of great good fortune for Lincoln and his 
friends that the depression prevailing at the end of 
August made it possible for Vallandigham to give 
tone to the Chicago convention. For the war had 
no sooner been declared a failure in the Democratic 
resolutions than the declaration was proved absurd. 
As victory followed victory till the year closed, the 
absurdity deepened, until the party that had made 
the declaration became almost a laughing-stock. 
The mutterings and contrivings of the opposition, 
though not discontinued, became impotent. Octo- 
ber 19, 1864, occurred the St. Albans raid, an in- 
cursion into northern Vermont of twenty or thirty 


southern sympathizers from Canada, during which 
a village was badly frightened, but only trifling 
injury inflicted: this was the most important of a 
number of attempts to kindle a back-fire, which 
were of no moment as things came out, but which, 
had the North experienced the depression of mili- 
tary defeats, would have been dangerous.* 

As the fall elections proceeded, all went well for 
the Union party. Maine and Vermont in Septem- 
ber gave encouraging majorities: the October states 
were not behind; and in the presidential election 
in November came such a land-slide" as the coun- 
try has seldom seen.^ McClellan carried but three 
among the loyal states, New Jersey, Delaware, and 
Kentucky, with 21 electoral votes; while Lincoln 
carried twenty- two states with 212 votes. The 
early withdrawal of Fremont from the canvass gave 
to Lincoln most of the radical voters. The congres- 
sional elections, for the House which would sit from 
1865 to 1867, were overwhelmingly Republican; 
while in his own party dissensions were quieted, the 
logic of events thoroughly confuted the error of 
Lincoln's opponents. He bore himself throughout 
the canvass with great moderation, dignity, and 
magnanimity. No point of his conduct is better 
worth noting than that he discouraged attempts to 
influence the votes of persons in government employ : 
civil - service reform was then undreamed of: the 

^ Headley, Confederate Operations in New York and Canada. 
^ McPherson, Polit. Hist, of the Great Rebellion, 623. 


spoils system had full sway ; but the president main- 
tained as he could the independent franchise of the 

The thirty - eighth Congress assembled for its 
second and last session December 5, 1864, and 
received on the following day the annual message, 
which gave main attention to matters connected 
directly with the war. As to Maryland, which had 
just abolished slavery, the president declared, "the 
genius of rebellion will no longer claim her. Like 
another foul spirit being driven out, it may seek to 
tear her, but it will woo her no more." He earnestly 
recommended the adoption of the thirteenth amend- 
ment by the present Congress, for the large Repub- 
lican majority in the next Congress would make 
sure its ultimate passage.^ 

The receipts from taxation for the fiscal year 
1863-1864 were: customs, $102,000,000, internal 
revenue, $110,000,000, while $623,000,000 were de- 
rived from loans. Of this immense total, the war 
department alone absorbed $691,000,000. The pub- 
lic debt, July i, stood at $1,740,690,489, which 
another year of war might raise $500,000,000. Lin- 
coln recommended that loans should be made 
attractive by exemption from taxation and from 
seizure for debt to a certain extent, so that the debt, 
as much as possible, might be owed to the people. 

Lincoln referred to the elections as showing the 

* Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, IX., 363. 
2 Lincoln, Works (ed. of 1894), II., 604. 


country was not approaching exhaustion "in the 
most important branch of national resources — that 
of hving men." In spite of the losses, the net in- 
crease of voters in the North was 145,551 over i860. 
He declared abandonment of armed resistance to 
the national authority on the part of the insurgents 
to be the only indispensable condition for ending 
the war. As regards emancipation, he declared his 
purpose to retract nothing he had said. "If the 
people should by whatever mode or means make it 
an executive duty to re-enslave such persons, an- 
other and not I must be the instrument to perform 
it. In stating a single condition of peace, I mean 
simply to say, that the war will cease on the part 
of the government whenever it shall have ceased on 
the part of those who began it." 

The pending thirteenth amendment, which had 
already passed the Senate, and which Lincoln now 
urgently pressed upon the House, came up January 
6, 1865, on which day Ashley, who, it will be remem- 
bered, had arranged for its reconsideration,^ took 
pains to bring it forward, and made a forcible speech 
in its favor. ^ As before, his chief service was in the 
way of adroit management ; to make up the requi- 
site two-thirds vote, a number of Democrats must 
be won; and in reaching these, Ashley's industry and 
shrewdness were conspicuous.^ A debate followed 

^ See above, p. 124. 

Cong. Globe, 38 Cong., 2 Sess., 138. 
^Riddle, Recollections, 324. 


in which a third of the House took part, the stand- 
ard-bearer of the opposition being George H. Pendle- 
ton, of Ohio, the recently defeated candidate for the 
vice-presidency/ He again argued that "the power 
to amend" did not imply "the power to revolu- 
tionize." He was answered at length by Garfield, 
and more briefly but effectively by Boutwell, while 
the speeches of Scofield, of Pennsylvania, Kasson, 
of Iowa, and Rollins, of Missouri, were noteworthy. 
The vote was taken January 31, 1865, the galleries 
of the House being crowded with a multitude favor- 
able to the amendment. Eleven Democrats threw 
their weight in favor, thus assuring the necessary 
two-thirds majority — 119 to 56;^ the margin was 
narrow, but it was enough. An outburst of excite- 
ment and congratulation ensued in which states- 
men and spectators took part. Ingersoll, of Illinois, 
moved that "in honor of this immortal and sublime 
event this House do now adjourn." The Senate 
having already taken the necessary action, the 
amendment went before the states, and on Decem- 
ber 18, 1865, came the official announcement of its 
ratification by three-fourths of the number, twenty- 
seven out of thirty-five. 

To recapitulate here the successive steps of the 
process of emancipation, four different methods to 
bring it about must be noticed. 

(i) By act of Congress, April 16, 1862, slavery 

* Blaine, Twenty Years, I., 537. 
^Cong. Globe, 38 Cong., 2 Sess., 531. 


was abolished in the District of Columbia, and June 
19 in the territories.^ 

(2) By the definite proclamation of the president, 
January i, 1863, as a military measure, slavery was 
abolished throughout the seceded states excepting 
Tennessee and certain parts of Louisiana and Vir- 

(3) By direct state action, Maryland adopted an 
anti- slavery constitution October 10, 1864; Ten- 
nessee, which the proclamation had not mentioned, 
followed, February 22, 1865. Similar constitutions 
were adopted by Arkansas, January 19, 1864; Louis- 
iana, September, 1864; and Missouri, June 6, 1865.^ 

(4) By the thirteenth amendment, officially an- 
nounced as ratified December 18, 1865, emancipa- 
tion was extended to Kentucky and Delaware, be- 
sides sanctioning what had gone before, and giving 
freedom a uniform basis. 

The treasury was still a heavy burden to Congress 
and to the new secretary, Fessenden, who, while he 
had all mental and moral qualifications for his posi- 
tion, lacked health. During the few months that he 
held office his service was great, though rather in 
carrying out policies already entered upon than in 
originating new devices. In his report of 1864 he 
urged additional taxation, the people having shown 
their willingness to bear it; some way for making 

* U. S. Statutes at Large, XII., 376, 432. 
^Lincoln, Works (ed. of 1894), II., 287. 

^ McPherson, Polit. Hist, of the Great Rebellion, 332, 459, 600. 


public lands available for revenue; and the estab- 
lishment of a sinking-fund. He opposed foreign 
loans, advocating the disposal of bonds to the Ameri- 
can people, and maintaining that our credit abroad 
had been strengthened by the fact that we cared for 
the public debt at home — that we had "derived a 
pecuniary advantage from self-reliance." As the 
disposition to continue the war was unbroken, so 
the means for continuing it were in no danger of 
failing.* Fessenden's suggestions all met with a 
good response : the internal revenue was made more 
stringent, and the tariff was amended; while, March 
3, 1865, a new bond issue of six hundred million dol- 
lars was authorized.^ 

Though the war was plainly near its end, the con- 
scription act was made more severe and searching ; ^ 
there was no neglect or relaxation. Now it was that 
the national banking system was strengthened by 
further enactment already referred to, imposing a 
tax of ten per cent, upon the circulation of state 
banks, to go into effect July i, 1866.^ This tax was 
a practical prohibition of state bank-notes, and be- 
fore the time fixed that form of circiilation had en- 
tirely disappeared. The labors of the statesmen 
who wrought at the capital were scarcely less ex- 
hausting than those of the soldiers. John Sherman, 
at the head of the Senate finance committee, de- 

^ Blaine, Twenty Years, I., 543. 

^ U. S. Statutes at Large, XIII., 468, 469. 

* Dewey, Financial Hist, of U. 5., 328. 

^Ihid., 487. 


clares that when the session closed he was quite 
broken down ; ^ and it may well be believed that the 
burden borne by his famous brother, then marching 
through the Confederacy, was no more embarrassing 
than that of the legislator. 

The question of the reconstruction of the states, 
left in confusion by the controversy over the Davis- 
Wade bill,^ was revived in the fall of 1864 by the 
claim of the "Vest-Pocket Government" to be con- 
sidered Virginia. After the creation of West Vir- 
ginia, Peirpoint and his friends removed to Alex- 
andria, claiming as within their jurisdiction the 
part of Virginia occupied by the Federals — namely, 
the region about Washington, a county or two on 
the eastern shore, and the cities of Norfolk and 

Peirpoint made the most of his government, but 
the result was not impressive. Though his senators 
remained in their places in the Federal Congress, 
the House doubted the validity of the election of 
the one representative appearing; and Butler at 
Norfolk treated Peirpoint cavalierly. Bates, attor- 
ney-general, supported Peirpoint against Butler; 
and the matter coming before Lincoln, he sustained 
Bates. Thus reconstruction in Virginia received 
the coimtenance of the administration; so in the 
Southwest, where Lincoln, in November, 1864, 
checked decisively Generals Hurlbut and Canby, 

* John Sherman, Recollections, 297. 
^ See above, p. 139 et seq. 

VOL. XXI. — 15 


officers not considerate of the reconstructed civil 
government of Louisiana.^ When Congress assem- 
bled, though the people upheld Lincoln with em- 
phasis, yet Henry Winter Davis and his friends 
nursed their wrath; and no long time intervened 
before their plan for reconstruction came up anew. 
December 15, 1864, the active Ashley, from the 
special committee on the rebellious states, of which 
Davis was head, introduced a new bill; like the 
bill of the previous session, in spite of Lincoln's 
public objection, it assumed for Congress the power 
to regulate reconstruction; at the same time it con- 
ceded recognition to the Louisiana government. 
But the temper of the House had changed; the bill 
did not find favor, and though Ashley m.odified it, 
presenting it four or five times in different shapes,^ 
it was not made more acceptable. The debate was 
earnest, Davis displaying his usual power; while 
H. W. Dawes, of Massachusetts, chairman of the 
committee on elections, was prominent among his 
opponents. A majority of the House had come to 
think with Lincoln that it was unwise to prescribe 
any one plan; and February 21, 1865, the bill was 
laid on the table by a vote of 91 to 64.^ 

In the Senate, February 18, 1865, Trumbull 
moved for the recognition of the government of 
Louisiana, hinting that should it take place, it 
practically involved also that of Arkansas, where 

* Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, IX., 436 et seq. 

^ Ibid., 449. ^ Cong. Globe, 38 Cong., 2 Sess., 967 et seq. 


the situation was similar. Though a majority was 
unquestionably in favor, five Republican senators 
led by Charles Sumner, who was sustained by Wade 
and Chandler, prevented its passage. The decision 
was postponed "to to-morrow" — a to-morrow which 
never came.* Thus ended the matter for the thirty- 
eighth Congress: Lincoln was to make on the sub- 
ject one more declaration, which will be considered 

Early in 1865 took place the last and most im- 
portant attempt to bring about peace, before the 
final collapse. Francis P. Blair, Sr., whose rela- 
tions with Jefferson Davis had been intimate, al- 
ways restless and full of schemes, believed himself 
to be a medium to bring about an accommodation. 
Without any authority from Lincoln, who, however, 
gave him a safe-conduct, if he chose to go at his own 
instance and risk, Blair made his way to the Rich- 
mond outposts, and was admitted to an audience 
with Davis. He conceived a scheme, according to 
which, by uniting Federal and Confederate strength, 
during an armistice, and giving a leading part to 
Davis, the Monroe Doctrine was to be vindicated 
and the French driven out of Mexico: the united 
effort against foreign aggression it was hoped 
might tend to reconcile North and South; and 
there was a dream of dominion over Mexico and as 
far as the Isthmus, when the invaders had been 
expelled. Davis listened with patience, perhaps 
^ Cong. Globe, 38 Cong., 2 Sess., loii. 


with a certain sympathy, as Blair detailed his 
scheme, agreeing to appoint a commission to repre- 
sent the Confederacy in a conference with represent- 
atives from Washington, with the idea of promot- 
ing "peace between the two countries." When Blair 
returned to Washington and laid the scheme before 
Lincoln, the latter expressed himself as ready on 
his part to promote as he could " peace between the 
people of our common country."^ 

February 3, 1865, the "Hampton Conference" 
took place on board the steamer River Queen, anch- 
ored in the Roads, off Fortress Monroe. The com- 
missioners appointed by Jefferson Davis were iVlex- 
ander H. Stephens, vice-president of the Confederacy, 
R. M. T. Hunter, senator and ex-secretary of state, 
and John A. Campbell, assistant secretary of war 
and a former justice of the supreme court of the 
United States. Lincoln determined to meet the 
envoys himself, and was accompanied only by 
Seward. From the accounts of the participants we 
know that the Richmond envoys were much occu- 
pied by the Mexican project, in which Seward, too, 
was interested; for it will be remembered that, four 
years before, he had seen in a foreign war a panacea 
for our dissensions.^ Stephens led up to this point 
gradually, but Lincoln said at once that he had 
given no sanction to Blair's project: he could con- 
sent to no armistice, nor to any proposition not 

* Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, X., 107. 
2 Hosmer, Appeal to Arms {Am. Nation, XX.) » 23. 


involving a complete restoration of the Federal 
authority. The conference in this direction not 
promising well, the talk fell upon the passage by 
Congress of the thirteenth amendment, of which the 
Confederates now heard for the first time. Seward 
suggested, perhaps not seriously, that if the seceded 
states would resimie their places they might defeat 
the ratification.^ Both he and Lincoln expressed 
their readiness to compensate the South for the 
manimiitted slaves. This was quite in accord with 
what Lincoln had always professed : he believed the 
North was as much to blame as the South for the 
establishment of slavery — that an indemnity was 
only just, and that the money could be better spent 
in that way than in warfare. He promised for his 
part to act with liberality in case of submission; 
but again and again came back to the declaration 
that no agreement could be entered into until arms 
had been laid aside. When Himter suggested, as 
a precedent for negotiations between parties in a 
civil war, Charles I. and his parliament, Lincoln 
turned that over to Seward, he himself not being 
strong in history. " All that I distinctly remember 
about the case of Charles I. is that he lost his head." 
The conference lasted four hours and resulted in 

A few days later the president prepared a re- 
markable message, in which he recommended the 

* Bancroft, Seward, II., 414. 

^ Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, X., 118 et seq. 


appropriation of four hundred million dollars, to 
be paid to the South as the price of peace — the in- 
demnity which he thought it was only just to offer 
in return for manumission, and which the country 
could well afford to pay if only the war might cease. 
This message Lincoln withheld with reluctance after 
it had received the imanimous disapproval of his 

The second inauguration of Abraham Lincoln took 
place March 4, 1865. In the concourse which gath- 
ered in front of the east portico of the Capitol, a 
notable element was the civic associations of negro 
citizens, and the batallion of negro troops who 
marched in the procession. The address was brief, 
and marked by a solemn beauty which places it 
among the great utterances of history. Rarely from 
human lips has fallen so perfect an expression of 
the sweetest and highest wisdom. "Fondly do we 
hope — fervently do we pray that this mighty scourge 
of war may speedily pass away. Yet if God wills 
that it continue until all the wealth piled up by the 
bondman's tw^o hundred and fifty years of unre- 
warded toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of 
blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another 
drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand 
years ago so still it must be said, ' The judgments of 
the Lord are true and righteous altogether.' 

''With malice towards none, with charity for all; 
with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the 
* Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, X., 133. 


right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; — 
to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who 
shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and 
his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish 
a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with 
all nations." ^ 

Then came the oath, administered by Chief -Just ice 
Chase: Abraham Lincoln, do solemnly swear 
that I will faithfully execute the office of President 
of the United States, and will, to the best of my 
ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitu- 
tion of the United States." 

^ Lincoln, T^or^j (ed. of 1894), II., 657. 



WHAT disposition should be made of Sherman 
and his army, whom we left resting in Savan- 
nah after the agreeable experience of the march to 
the sea, was for a time doubtful. Grant suggested 
that all should be put on transports and conveyed 
speedily to the lines before Petersburg and Rich- 
mond/ To Sherman's gratification, however, it 
was concluded that he should be allowed to finish 
as he had begun, and march to Richmond through 
the Carolinas.^ The army was in fine condition; 
the troops had been only invigorated during their 
un vexed and well-provided excursion. Whatever 
they might now lack was made good from the ships ; 
their spirits were high. The animals, too, were in 
the best condition. All this was fortunate, for the 
task to be undertaken thenceforth was difiicult: the 
winter set in, the streams were at flood, the roads 
were avenues of mud, the Confederates were gath- 
ering. Johnston had been restored to command by 
Lee (now commander-in-chief); and Hardee, at 
* W. T. Sherman, Memoirs, II., 206. ^ Ibid., 238. 


Charleston, was formidable. The Georgia militia, at 
Honey Hill, had already defeated in a sharp battle, 
November 30, a division sent out from Port Royal 
to seize the railroads.^ The spirit of the South was 
not broken. 

With what temper the government and the gen- 
eral were now animated, the following correspond- 
ence shows. Halleck wrote Sherman, December 18: 
"Should you capture Charleston, I hope that by 
some accident the place may be destroyed; and if 
a little salt should be sown upon its site, it may 
prevent the growth of future crops of nullification 
and secession." 

To this Sherman replied, December 24: "I will 
bear in mind your hint as to Charleston, and do not 
think ' salt ' will be necessary. ... I attach more im- 
portance to these deep incisions into the enemy's 
cotmtry because this war differs from European 
wars in this particular : we are not only fighting hos- 
tile armies but a hostile people, and must make old 
and young, rich and poor, feel the hard hand of war, 
as well as their organized armies. I know that this 
recent movement of mine through Georgia has had 
a wonderful efiEect in this respect. . . . The truth is, 
the whole army is burning with an insatiable de- 
sire to work vengeance upon South Carolina. I al- 
most tremble for her, but feel she deserves all that 
seems in store for her." ^ 

^ Cox, March to the Sea, Franklin and Nashville, 48. 
^ W. T. Sherman, Memoirs, II., 223, 227. 


The Federals set forth from Savannah in January, 
1865, thus anticipating the Confederates, who had 
not looked for a movement while the bad weather 
prevailed. Through South Carolina there was little 
opposition from man, but the sky and earth were hos- 
tile. Rains were incessant, each brook a torrent, 
the roads only passable when corduroyed. Follow- 
ing as it could the water-sheds, where the streams 
were small, and the lowland swamps could be 
avoided, feinting on the one hand against Charles- 
ton, on the other against Augusta, the army waded 
on.^ The men did not allow themselves to want for 
food; the foraging, indeed, became more relentless 
and vindictive than in Georgia. February 17, Co- 
lumbia, the capital of South Carolina, was occu- 
pied, and forthwith burned. 

Who burned Columbia is a question much in dis- 
pute. The Confederates laid it to Sherman; and 
there are Federal writers who hold his soldiers to 
have been mainly responsible, and see in the occur- 
rence the climax of his "vandalism." On the other 
hand, Sherman himself strongly asserts his inno- 
cence; the conflagration, he declares, resulted from 
the burning in the streets, by the retiring Confed- 
erates, of cotton which they desired to destroy; 
and the soldiers helped the citizens to extinguish 
the flames.^ General Slocum, however, believed 
that fires were lighted by soldiers made drunk by 

^War Records, Serial No. 98, pp. 1-1149 (Campaign in the 
Carolinas). ^ W. T. Sherman, Memoirs, II., 286. 


whiskey furnished by people of the town;^ White- 
law Reid pronounces the burning of Columbia the 
most monstrous barbarity of the barbarous march. ^ 
Cox, while admitting that exasperation against South 
Carolina, and some demoralization in the Federal 
ranks, had much to do with the destruction of 
Columbia, yet maintains that the general's policy 
was ''one of mildness to the individual citizen and 
of destruction only to the public resources of the 
country." ^ But in war-time how shall the line be 
drawn between private wealth and the public re- 
sources? Confederate writers, naturally, strongly 
condemn Sherman.^ 

During Sherman's march from Savannah, im- 
portant events were taking place in other fields. In 
December, 1864, B. F. Butler, with an army and 
fleet, appeared off the entrance to Cape Fear River. 
After the explosion of a powder-boat, on the 13th, 
in the water near Fort Fisher, which was quite harm- 
less, Butler retired, thus closing his career as a sol- 
dier;^ whereupon General Alfred H. Terry, with the 
Tenth Corps and a fleet, made a new and entirely 
successful attempt; Fort Fisher was captured Jan- 
uary 15, 1865. With the fall of Charleston, which 
Hardee evacuated, February 18, after Sherman had 
severed all its connections and rendered it unten- 

^ Battles and Leaders, IV., 686. 
^ Reid, Ohio in the War, I., 475. 
^ Cox, March to the Sea, 176. 

* For example, see B. T. Johnson, /. E. Johnston, 151 et seq. 
^Butler, Butler's Book, 774. 


able, the last harbor was closed to the Confed- 

Meantime, the winter put no bar upon operations 
in the West. Stoneman, with the Fourth Corps and 
cavalry, penetrated the mountains from east Ten- 
nessee, and seized the great Confederate depot at 
Salisbury in western North Carolina. Wilson swept 
southward, ravaging the country, and defeating 
Forrest at Selma, Alabama. Schofield, too, with 
the Twenty-third Corps, passing rapidly by a long 
detour to the Chesapeake, thence sailed southward, 
and, a few days after the fall of Fort Fisher, joined 
Terry on the Cape Fear River.^ Taking command, 
Schofield captured Wilmington, penetrating thence, 
March 21, after some fighting at Kinston, to Golds- 
boro, in the interior. Sherman now, after seizing 
Cheraw and Fayetteville, important arsenals and 
depots, was well on his way to Raleigh. His army 
toiling on through incessant rains, was widely sepa- 
rated on account of the necessity of procuring sup- 
plies. Slocum and Howard were far apart, and the 
columns trailed their attenuated length for many 

Here Johnston saw his opportunity, and he now 
showed, if he had never shown it before, that he could 
be active and enterprising upon occasion as well as 
conduct a retreat. While Hampton with his cav- 
alry veiled his movements, Johnston suddenly threw 
himself upon certain isolated divisions of the left 
* Schofield, Forty-six Years in the Army, 345. 


wing near Bentonville, March 19. While Cox de- 
clares he had a large superiority/ Johnston makes 
the usual Confederate claim that he was heavily out- 
numbered.^ The careful Livermore makes the forces 
engaged to have been nearly equal, on each side 
about seventeen thousand.^ It was a resolute and 
brilliant attack, repulsed only with heavy loss. The 
battle over, Sherman and Schofield soon struck 
hands, and Raleigh was occupied, xVpril 13, 1865. 

Sherman's magnificent and epoch-making work 
as a soldier being now accomplished, a little space 
may weU be devoted to considering the criticisms 
made upon this striking figure in the history of our 
coimtry. Says John C. Ropes: "If Sherman pur- 
posely destroyed or connived at the destruction of 
property which was not needed for the supply of 
his army or the enemy's army, he violated one of 
the fimdamental canons of modern warfare. ... If 
we are correct in attributing this position to Sher- 
man, the authorities are against him, . . . and just 
so far as he directed or permitted this he conducted 
war on obsolete and barbarous principles." ^ And 
Charles Francis Adams censures the lightness of 
Rhodes 's condemnation of the "pronounced van- 
dalism" of Sherman, who, with his colleague Sheri- 
dan, advocated and carried out in warfare "the 

* Cox, March to the Sea, Franklin and Nashville, 197. 
2 Johnston, Narrative, 392. 

^ Livermore, Numbers and Losses, 134. 

* Ropes, in Atlantic Monthly, LXVIII., 202. 


seventeenth century practices of Tilly." ^ General 
Cox, always calm and sane, one of Sherman's best 
officers, who, although himself not in the march 
through Georgia and the Carolinas, knew the facts 
minutely, and is probably the best historian of the 
occurrence, may well be quoted here. 

"The tendency of war to make men relapse into 
barbarism becomes most evident when an army is 
living in any degree upon the enemy's country. . . . 
Most of the officers honestly tried to enforce the 
rules; but in an army of many thousand men, a 
small fraction of the whole would be enough to spoil 
the best efforts of the rest. . . . Yet I believe that 
nowhere in the world is respect for person and prop- 
erty more sincere than among our own people. The 
evils described are those which may be said to be 
necessarily incident to the waging of war, and are 
not indications of ferocity of nature or uncommon 
lack of discipline." ^ 

Adams believes Sheridan to have been a graver 
sinner than Sherman, both as to precept and ex- 
ample ; and if these two are to be censured, the same 
condemnation must be visited upon Grant, who 
ordered the devastation of the valley of Virginia. 
The Confederates are as open to criticism in this 
respect as the Federals, so far as they had oppor- 
tunity, and had no scruples over destroying peace- 
ful commerce, the unarmed ships of private men. 

^ Adams, Some Phases of the Civil War, 27 et seq. 
2 Cox, Military Reminiscences, II., 233. 


If Lee in his Pennsylvania campaign was scrupulous, 
Morgan was not so in his Ohio raid, and Early did 
not hesitate to burn Chamber sburg. In 1864, Con- 
federates in Canada were scheming to lay waste the 
northern border and apply Greek fire to the cities 
of the Union.^ Stonewall Jackson, at the beginning, 
was in favor of showing no quarter to captured men.^ 
Nor is a spirit of ruthlessness confined to the time 
of the Civil War, or to America. While unpleasant 
declarations by United States officers of the present 
time can be cited, there are speeches of the German 
emperor which befit only the cruel old centuries, the 
temper of which we had believed obsolete.^ 

"War is hell," said Sherman, and so long as man- 
kind can find no other way of settling their differ- 
ences, a recrudescence of horrors is inevitable when- 
ever it is waged. When war becomes close and 
desperate, as it was between North and South, each 
combatant, in the effort to maintain himself, grasps 
methods likely to be effective, however cruel, rather 
than lose his cause. The burning of peaceful mer- 
chantmen and whalers was undoubtedly most effec- 
I tive; the devastations supervised by Sherman and 
; Sheridan were undoubtedly most effective. No 
I real line can be drawn in war between public re- 
1 sources and private wealth ; what its individual citi- 
izens are and possess is the strength of a land, and 

^ Headley, Confed. Operations in Canada and New York, 264. 
jj ^Dabney, Jackson, 224. 

I ^ Adams, Some Phases of the Civil War, 30. 



the crushing must constantly become more ruthless, 
if the conflict be protracted and uncertain. The 
thorough-going soldier regards the short, sharp, un- 
sparing method as in the end the humane method, 
even though the woman and the babe become home- 
less. It all belongs to the dreadful business, and 
such things the world will continue to behold until 
the curse of war shall cease. 

No more striking example of what pitiless w^ar 
may on occasion bring a humane man to do, and 
no more striking example of the adamantine nerve 
of the greatest of Union soldiers can be named, than 
the conduct of Grant, in 1864, as regards the ex- 
change of prisoners. What Andersonville was, all 
the world knows — thirty-two thousand Union sol- 
diers huddled within a stockade enclosing twenty- 
six and one-half acres, though in the midst of for- 
ests, without the shelter even of trees, against the 
frost or the burning sun, with scanty and irregular 
food supply, with a scanty and polluted supply of 
water, in rags and filth, dragging on month after 
month of hopeless life. The Confederates desired 
to exchange them for an equivalent number of their 
own prisoners in Union hands. The North urged, 
with breaking hearts, that her sons might be set 
free from such an abyss of suffering. It may well 
be believed that the great captain's own heart was 
oppressed, for he was far from being cruel. But 
on April 17, 1864, refused to exchange prisoners; 
and on August 18, at City Point, when things were 


at a most critical pass, he explained his refusal: "It 
is hard on our men held in southern prisons not to 
exchange them, but it is humanity to those left in 
the ranks to fight our battles. Every man we hold, 
when released on parole, or otherwise, becomes an 
active soldier against us at once, either directly or 
indirectly. If we commence a system of exchange 
w^hich liberates all prisoners taken, w^e will have to 
fight on until the whole South is exterminated. If 
we hold those caught, they amount to no more than 
dead men. At this particular time, to release all 
rebel prisoners in the North would insure Sherman's 
defeat, and would compromise our safety here."^ 

Rhodes, whose chapter on this topic is especially 
painstaking and acctu^ate, finds this subject more 
difficult to deal with than any other connected with 
the Civil War.^ All other things, men once opposed 
can discuss with charity and good-nature ; but as to 
the treatmicnt of prisoners the soreness persists. 
The northern man is not more convinced that there 
were needless horrors in southern prisons than is the 
southern man that there w^ere needless horrors in 
northern prisons. While the former flushes at the 
thought of Andersonville, Libby, and Salisbury, 
the latter still nurses wrath over Fort Delaware, 
Elmira, Johnson's Island, and Camp Douglas. The 
accusations of inhumanity from the South are just 
as earnest and circumstantial as those that come 

* War Records, Serial No. 120, p. 607. 
2 Rhodes, United States, V., 483. 

VOL. XXI. — 16 


from the North/ It is far beyond the scope of this 
work to consider this matter at length. The litera- 
ture is vast ; the second series of the War Records, 
eight stout quartos, contain the official doctmients, 
and much has been written besides.^ 

The best judgment, based on official records, in- 
clines to the conclusion that, up to the end of the 
year 1863, little happened in the treatment of prison- 
ers. North or South, to arouse the anger or excite 
the sharp criticism of reasonable men on the oppos- 
ing sides. ^ Embarrassments, of course, there were, 
such as the determination of the Washington gov- 
ernment, at the beginning, not long adhered to, to 
treat privateer smen as pirates and beyond the pale 
of mercy; and the determination of the Richmond 
government to refuse all rights to captured negro 
soldiers and their white officers. There were accusa- 
tions, too, of the abuse of paroles. But in the main, 
each combatant recognized that he had little reason 
to complain, and had things gone on in the same 
way, the historian of the period would be spared 
the writing of some sorrowful pages. 

As to what happened after 1863, neither the 
Washington nor Richmond authorities intended to 
be cruel. On both sides it was ordered that the 
same rations should be given to the prisoners as to 

1 E. g., Southern Hist. Soc, Papers, 113 et seq. 

2 See J. McElroy, Andersonvillc, a Story of Rebel Military 
Prisons; J. V. Hadley, Seven Months in Prison; A. B. Isliam, 
Prisoners and Military Prisons. 

3 Rhodes, United States, V., 491. 


the soldiers in the field; also that the hospitals for 
the prisons should be the same as for the camps: 
there was no thought of any harshness in treatment 
beyond what might be necessary to hold large num- 
bers of men always trying to escape. But in 1864 
new elements came into the problem. Grant was at 
the head, and was convinced that in the case of 
the men captured at Vicksburg and Port Hudson, 
there had been a violation of parole, the men being 
returned at once into the ranks: exchanges must 
cease until this had been explained and atoned for. 
Meantime the prison at Andersonville was estab- 
lished, intended for no large nimiber, but before it 
was finished occupied by an overw^helming and un- 
looked-for crowd, for whom, as regards all necessi- 
ties, no provision was made. 

The strait of the Confederacy at the moment was 
desperate: it was pressed on all sides, while Grant 
and Sherman, each with a hundred thousand men 
and more, were advancing through their territory, 
upon their eastern and w^estern citadels. The at- 
tention of all w^as concentrated on the approaching 
danger. Every man upon whom the Confederacy 
could lay hands was needed at the front — every 
pound of food w^as needed for the fighters. Means 
of transit were at all times limited: then the rail- 
roads far into the interior were wrecked by Federal 
raiders, and locomotives and machinery destroyed, 
while the blockade prevented their replacement. 
There was no time to think of the prisons. The 


troops that could be spared for prison-guards were 
in number the very minimum, and in quahty the 
poorest; the officers to command them were those 
who could be spared from before the enemy, the 
incapables therefore. These struggled often ineffi- 
ciently against the difficulties of the situation which 
always grew worse: money became worthless; for 
all work only impressed and reluctant labor could 
be had. New thousands of prisoners poured in as 
the summer advanced, largely from before Rich- 
mond — some part of them, it is said, being ''boimty- 
jumpers," who preferred to surrender rather than 
fight. Meantime the attention of the heads was 
absorbed in the terrible battles; or if there was a 
thought of the prisoners, the answer came that 
"Grant refuses to exchange, and the responsibility 
for their suffering lies with their own friends, and 
not with their captors." 

This being the situation, horrors acctmiulated. 
The Confederacy, though so distracted, was not 
insensible to the misery: the truth was sotinded 
abroad by many, in particular in a report made to 
the government by Colonel D. T. Chandler, which 
kept back nothing.* Various schemes to help were 
advocated: since Grant refused to exchange, many 
favored a liberation of the more feeble prisoners, 
and sending them north on parole. Howell Cobb, 
who now as commander of the state troops of 
Georgia, had a supervision of Andersonville, favored 

* War Records, Serial No. 120, p. 546 (Chandler's Report). 


the liberation of all such as would at the elections 
cast their votes against Lincoln/ The men directly 
in charge at the stockade, and who at the North 
were believed to be especially responsible for the 
enormities, were General John H. Winder and 
Captain Henry Wirz. The latter was hanged after 
the war, for his supposed crimes, and Winder, who 
died in 1865, no doubt would also have been ex- 
ecuted. Yet possibly they were more imfortunate 
than criminal. They were inferior men set to cope 
with fearful conditions. Winder urged the policy 
of paroling and sending north; and Dick Taylor 
relates a rather pathetic story of Wirz. Taylor, in 
command of the department, passing by train near 
Andersonville, late in 1864, was visited by Wirz, 
who pictured vividly his embarrassments, the enor- 
mous requirements, the utter lack of resources to 
meet them, and begged his commander for help.* 
The Confederacy was tottering to its destruction, 
with Sherman at its heart, and Grant holding its 
head in a vise.^ Nothing could be done. There 
were at least twelve other prisons, but at Anderson- 
ville the difficulty culminated. What can be said in 
the way of explanation or palliation of Andersonville 
can in general be more strongly urged for the rest. 

As to alleged ill-treatment of southern men in 
northern prisons, the charges cannot be ignored: 
the frequent statement that the mortality among 

^ War Records, Serial No. 120, p. 796. 
^Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction, 216. 


southern prisoners at the North was three per cent, 
greater than among northern prisoners at the South, 
rests on no good evidence.^ Well-remembered testi- 
mony, however, from army surgeons, goes to prove 
that southerners in general showed in the war much 
less power to endure novel conditions of life than 
did northerners. The available statistics show that 
while of southern men in northern prisons a little 
over twelve per cent, died, of northern men in south- 
ern prisons the per cent, was 15.5.^ 

Perhaps the mortality of Confederates ought to 
have been much less, in view of the vast superiority 
of northern resources, which removed all difhculties 
as to the supply of food, medicines, shelter, and 
clothing. The demands from the front, especially 
in 1864, affected the northern prison-guards, who 
were sometimes inefficient, with poor officers. Cases 
of carelessness, drunkenness, and embezzlement can 
be cited. While the heat of the South wore upon 
northern men, the cold of the North wore upon 
southern men: there was sometimes, with a zero 
temperature, lack of blankets and fuel, so that 
pneumonia swept off its victims as well as the 
fevers of the South. In 1864 a spirit of retaliation 
became rife. Rimiors of the Anderson ville situation 
filled the ears of men, and sentiment was powerfully 
affected. The prison ration, till now the same as 
that for soldiers, was reduced twenty per cent, by 

^Southern Hist. Soc, Papers, XL, 113. 
2 Rhodes, United States, V., 508. 


the Federal government, among the proscribed 
articles being coffee, tea, and sugar; at the same 
time the supply of comforts flowing in from outside 
friends was cut off. It does not at all appear that 
the reduction was so great as to aft'ect seriously the 
health and strength of the prisoners;^ much less 
were any brought near the starvation-point ; never- 
theless, there was an experience of privation. It is 
probable that sometimes at prison-posts the local 
officials took a hand at retaliation, adding a weight 
beyond what the government inflicted: the public 
exasperation was great, and an excess of zeal in 
this direction likely to be approved or leniently 
judged. In spite of all, the best testimony favors 
the idea that a good average of vigor was main- 
tained in the northern prisons ; and Grant certainly 
believed that an exchange, while it brought back 
men emaciated and powerless, would turn loose 
upon Sherman and upon himself many thousands 
of strong and well-fed men. 

The investigator who perhaps beyond all others 
has dived nearest to the bottom of this shocking pit 
simis up as follows: "All things considered, the 
statistics show no reason why the North should 
reproach the South. If we add to one side of the 
account the refusal to exchange the prisoners and 
the greater resources, and to the other the stress 
of the Confederacy, the balance struck will not be 
far from even. Certain it is that no deliberate 

^ Rhodes, United States, V., 505. 


intention existed either in Richmond or Washing- 
ton to inflict suffering on captives more than inev- 
itably accompanied the confinement. Rather than 
to charge either section with inhumanity, it were 
truer to lay the burden on war. On war, there- 
fore, let the burden rest. It belongs to the hor- 
rors inseparable from a close and desperate war; 
and such things must be expected to recur again 
and again until war shall be no more. 

^ Rhodes, United States, V., 508. 



A RENOWNED historian of the Civil War, after 
describing the colossal labors of the men in au- 
thority as it progressed, declares that one reading with 
care the official records finds it hard to understand 
how Lincoln and Stanton, in particular, were not 
crushed by the weight of responsibility, which came 
to its severest betw^een May arid September, 1864/ 
The Stanton of the records he finds in marked con- 
trast with the Stanton of tradition — a patient, tact- 
ful, forbearing, as well as resolute and indefatigable 
character, not the violent and harshly arbitrary 
man whom many have portrayed.^ In these months 
the burden told heavily upon Lincoln: his boister- 
ous laugh, says his private secretary, was less fre- 
quent; the eye grew veiled through brooding over 
momentous subjects; he became reserved, and aged 
with great rapidity. There is a solemn contrast 
between two life-masks, one made in i860, the other 
in the spring of 1865; the earlier face is that of a 

^Rhodes, United States, V., 237. 
2 Gorham, Stanton, II., pt. viii. 


strong, healthy man, full of life and energy. The 
other is "so sad and peaceful in its definite repose 
that St. Gaudens insisted at first it was a death- 
mask. The lines are set as if the living face, like 
the copy, had been in bronze; the nose is thin and 
lengthened by the emaciation of the cheeks; the 
mouth is fixed like that of an archaic statue — a look 
as of one on whom sorrow and care had done their 
worst without victory is on all the features: the 
whole expression is of unspeakable sadness and all- 
suffering strength." ^ 

As the year 1864 closed, for the president there 
was great relief. The victories made final success 
certain; the election, w^hile continuing his power, 
assured him that he possessed overwhelmingly the 
confidence of the country. His immediate environ- 
ment had also become more congenial : he had sub- 
jected the vehement Stanton; he had no longer to 
bear the ill-nature of Chase; in the place of Bates 
there stood a warm personal friend. Speed. Indeed, 
but two of the secretaries of 1861, Seward and 
Welles, remained in the cabinet. In particular, Lin- 
coln's relations with the secretary of state were 
close and harmonious. If at first Seward depreciated 
the president, that disposition passed after a few 
months of intimacy, and he worked on loyally in his 
subordinate place. Any chagrin he may have felt 

* John Hay, in Century, XIII., 37 (November, 1890). The 
two masks lie together in the Lincoln case at the National 
Museum in Washington. 


at not attaining the highest honor, he suppressed; 
and there is Httle evidence that he cherished any 
further ambition. As to foreign affairs, he de- 
clared in these days with truth that ' ' things were 
going finely." Seward might honestly feel that his 
own courage and force had helped powerfully to the 
general success. It is pleasant to read his hearty 
appreciation of his great chief. In a speech after 
the election he said : ' ' Henceforth all men will come 
to see him as you and I have seen him — a true, 
loyal, patient, patriotic, and benevolent man. . . . 
Detraction will cease and Abraham Lincoln will 
take his place with Washington, Jefferson, Adams, 
and Franklin, among the benefactors of the country 
and of the human race." ^ 

In truth, in Europe things w^ere now going well 
for the Union. As to the great powers, Russia was 
always friendly: France, in spite of the unfriendli- 
ness of Napoleon III., had not broken with us. In 
Mexico, Maximilian, after May, 1864, was personally 
engaged in establishing his dynasty, and seemed for 
the moment successful ; but already there were signs, 
both North and South, that the Monroe Doctrine 
was not forgotten, and would some day be vindi- 

By the spring of 1865 all danger of European 
interference in our quarrel ceased. The Confederate 
agents were in the background, discouraged,^ while 

^ Seward, Works, V., 514. 

2 Callahan, Diplomatic Relations of the Confed., chap. viii. 


Charles Francis Adams enjoyed a consideration such 
as no previous American minister had reached. A 
different tone was heard in the utterances of states- 
men and men of letters. The voices of John Bright, 
W. E. Forster, and Richard Cobden more and more 
prevailed. At an earlier period Grote had been 
supercilious, Dickens unsympathetic, Carlyle roughly 
denunciatory, E. A. Freeman and Gladstone proph- 
ets of our disruption who were not saddened by what 
they foretold. But there were now wiser men, none 
more so than Sir Charles Lyell, the geologist, always 
a friend to the Union, who showed, with candid 
recognition of the merit of the vanquished, his 
strong sympathy with the victors. The best Eng- 
lish opinion is expressed in one of his letters, March 
12, 1865, in which he declares that the Confederates 
have certainly shown the power of an aristocracy to 
command and direct the energies of the millions; 
' ' Englishmen may feel proud of the prowess of the 
southern army, in which there was not that large 
mixture of Celtic and German blood found on the 
Northern side." He expressed confidence in the 
rapidity with which the wounds would be healed, 
and believed that the discipline would bring about 
in the people of the United States habits of subordi- 
nation to central authority, which they needed: he 
expected the large national debt to strengthen the 
Federal power, which formerly could not control the 
states; had the Union been dismembered, there 
v/ould have been endless wars, more activity than 


ever in breeding slaves in America, a renewal of the 
African slave-trade, and a retarding of the future 
course of civilization. The result, therefore, Lyell 
deemed worth all the dreadful loss of blood and 
treasure. As to the internal condition of the states, 
he felt sure of their rapid and successful develop- 
ment. ''Whatever it may be for the rich, I cer- 
tainly think that for the millions it is the happiest 
country in the world." ^ 

When the spring of 1865 opened, although a heavy 
shadow of death darkened almost every household, 
and a public debt of three billions gave rise to 
apprehension, the North was cheerful and buoyant. 
For the North was not only victorious, but prosper- 
ous : though her ocean carrying- trade was nearly de- 
stroyed through events which have been described, 
there was a heavy export and import business 
despite the high tariff. Legitimate trade with the 
South was resumed, and intercommerce was ex- 
traordinarily active. While there was no large in- 
crease of railroads during the war period, in 1865 
38,078 miles existed in the North, almost all in good 
order and fully employed.^ Symptoms of the spirit 
of enterprise in railroad building were an act of 
1862 for the construction of the Union Pacific and 
Central Pacific railroads; and consolidations were 
beginning in the eastern lines. As regards appli- 
ances, the air-brake, vestibuled trains, dining-cars, 

* Letter to T. S. Spedding, Mrs. Lyell, Sir C. Lyell, II., 397. 
^Am. Annual Cyclop., 1865, p. 742. 


and palatial compartment-cars were undreamed of; 
high speed could be maintained only at great risk; 
roads were commonly single-tracked, and the strap- 
rail had not entirely disappeared. But the railroad 
stood fully developed as a powerful instrumentality, 
already superseding the canal, the wonder of the 
preceding generation, and promoting transit and 
traffic to an extent never before known. While the 
land was thus crossed and recrossed, the internal 
waters, the Great Lakes, and the navigable streams 
abounded in sailing and steam craft. 

The requirements of the time caused these rapidly 
developing facilities to be taxed to their utmost. 
The condition of the farmers in the war period from 
the first was good. In 1861 the crops were heavy, 
with a strong European demand.^ Though the ex- 
ports of food stuffs dropped off, the vast requirements 
of the war immediately strengthened the market: 
there was quick and good sale for every crop and 
animal which the farmer could produce. Manufact- 
ures were no less stimulated : had ships been plenty 
and Europe clamorous, nothing could have been 
spared for export, for forge and loom were quite 
absorbed in satisfying the home needs „ The laborer 
fared worse than the farmer and manufacturer. 
While wages rose during the war, till in 1865 they 
stood in the ratio of 183 as compared with 100 in 
1 861: prices rose far more, being 217 at the end as 
compared with 100 at the beginning, a law working 
^ Schouler, United States, VI., 327. 


here which economists have noted. ^ House-rents, 
too, though advancing, kept no pace with the price 
of food and clothes. 

The natural resources of the country were ex- 
ploited as never before. The northwestern forests 
fell quite too rapidly; petroleum, made available in 
1859, underwent an extraordinary development in 
the sixties. The gold discoveries of 1849 in Cali- 
fornia were followed by finds of the same metal in 
Colorado in 1858 and in Montana in 1861. Mean- 
time, in 1859, silver was foimd in Nevada; in the 
same period became known the stores of copper and 
iron in the region south of Lake Superior. The 
country was not so busy in the camp as to be un- 
able to make prize of this newly revealed wealth. 

In the stimulation of the processes of life, a quick 
utilizing took place of inventions lately wrought 
out, or now for the first time annoimced. McCor- 
mick's reaper of 1834, Elias Howe's sewing-machine 
of 1846, Goodyear's vulcanized rubber of 1839, the 
daguerreotype of 1839, the Hoe rotary press of 1847, 
the electric telegraph of 1835 — all these were im- 
proved and made widely available, as could hardly 
have been the case among quieter conditions ; while 
in devising and perfecting breech-loaders, repea ting- 
arms, and rifled bores, ingenious men were very 
active. In 1841, at the Massachusetts General 
Hospital, ether had first been used as an anesthetic 
by Morton; what beneficent possibilities were in- 
* Taussig, in Yale Review, II., 244 (November, 1895). 


volved in this discoveiy became fully evident in 
the field-hospitals of both armies. 

Religion grew more earnest in these years. The 
Protestant denominations, large and small, though 
divided in the political dispute, lost no vigor. The 
zeal of the ministers and congregations grew fervent. 
The men recruited the armies and made sacrifices 
at home; while the women, using such agencies as 
the Sanitary and Christian Commissions, gave prac- 
tical expression to their devotedness. The Catholics 
were not behind, sending out a multitude of our best 
soldiers and sailors, while patriotically active at 
home. Religious activity pervaded, too, the camps ; 
each regiment had its chaplain, usually a worthy 
man, whose ministrations were earnest and met a 
response sincere and wide-spread. 

As to education, in the North the common school 
was universal, though sometimes lacking appliances 
and skilled teachers.^ In the country districts it 
was often open only for short terms; and the 
teachers — farmers' sons or daughters with small 
training — were not the best. But things were im- 
proving. Horace Mann died in 1859, a self-sacri- 
ficing enthusiast whose writings and labors were 
having a marked effect. Normal schools, well 
established in New England, and fast making their 
way farther west, were fixing new standards of 
instruction and management, and effort was made 

^ Mayo, History of Common Schools (U. S. Bureau of Education, 
in preparation). 



to profit by the experience of other lands. In the 
cities were high schools, sometimes open to girls, 
who, however, usually found a chance for nothing 
but superficial training. For higher education, de- 
nominational colleges abounded, rarely largely at- 
tended, usually struggling with poverty, and often 
esteeming orthodoxy of belief to be more important 
than sound and broad learning. Of universities only 
Harvard and Yale had the four faculties of divinity, 
law, medicine, and science, in addition to the aca- 
demic course; and neither had more than five hun- 
dred and fifty students.* 

Nevertheless, a new spirit was abroad ; the elective 
system was making its way; endowments were be- 
coming more liberal; and a beginning had been 
made of the system of state universities which at 
the present time crown so impressively our public 
educational system. Among these new institutions 
the University of Michigan had an honorable pre- 
eminence. Since their support came from public 
funds, it was manifestly unfair that the advantages 
offered, too costly to be duplicated, should be en- 
joyed by only half the youth. Hence the co-educa- 
tion of the sexes, which had been successfully tried 
in several places, notably at Oberlin, Ohio, was 
generally adopted among state universities, that of 
Iowa leading the way. In 1862 Congress made 

^ Schouler, United States, VI., 336; for earlier conditions of 
education, see Hart, Slavery and Abolition {Am. Nation, XVI.). 
chap. ii. 

VOL. XXI.— 17 


possible the establishment in each state of a college 
of agriculture and the mechanic arts: these, com- 
bined as they usually were with the state universi- 
ties, imparted strength and made certain for all 
who desired it an education thoroughly practical. 
In the pressure of the war the higher institutions 
were much affected. At the West it sometimes hap- 
pened that they were closed, the students, led by 
their teachers, departing in companies to the front ;^ 
where they remained open the attendance fell off, 
the spirited young men finding study difficult in 
the prevailing martial excitement. J, W. Sill, a brave 
young general killed at Murfreesboro, J, J. Reynolds, 
a good commander of a division, J. L. Chamberlain, 
J. A. Garfield, J. M. Schofield, and many more offi- 
cers of distinction, were by profession teachers. 

At the end of the war the impression was general 
that extravagance and corruption prevailed to an 
extraordinary extent; but a survey from this dis- 
tance may give assurance that the evils were not 
excessive or inexplicable. Many became suddenly 
rich, for the newly opened mines, petroleum fields, 
the vast government contracts, gold gambling, the 
chances for speculation afforded by fluctuating 
prices, gave unusual opportunity to the adroit and 
rapacious. The money made easily was often spent 
unwisely. Lavishness was manifest in houses, equi- 
pages, and apparel, of women no less than men. But 
conscience was active, and societies were formed for 

* Cox, Military Reminiscences, I., 33. 


the discouragement of luxury, the spirit prevailing 
finding expression in Julia Ward Howe's 

"Weave no more silks, ye Lyons looms, 
To deck our girls for gay delights! 
The crimson flower of battle blooms, 
The solemn marches fill the nights. 

" Weave but the flag whose bars to-day 
Drooped heavy o'er our early dead, 
And homely garments, coarse and gray, 
For orphans that must earn their bread!" * 

In the transactions of the government involving 
enormous amounts some corruption was inevitable, 
but it was resisted manfully, the fighters often 
imagining a depth and extent of depravity which 
did not exist. A congressional committee in 1863, 
of which Senator James W. Grimes, of Iowa, was 
chairman, made an appalling report as to waste and 
peculation in the management of the army and 
navy;^ and Roscoe Conkling, of New York, in a 
speech of April 24, 1866, fiercely criticised the pro- 
vost-marshal-general, J. B. Fry. When the statistics 
were prepared and studied, the charges of Grimes 
proved overdrawn. In the vast business of the 
department of the paymaster-general, B. W. Bryce, 
i it was found that from July i, 1861, to October 31, 
1 1865, $1,029,239,000 had been disbursed — the steals 
j . amounting to less than half a million, the expense 

* Julia Ward Howe, From Sunset Ridge, 5. 
2 Salter, Grimes, 229 et seq. 



of disbursement to $6,429,600, the aggregate being 
less than seven-tenths of one per cent, of the amount 
disbursed.^ In the department of the quartermas- 
ter-general, Montgomery C. Meigs, the amoimt ap- 
propriated was about $1 ,200,000,000, and the showing 
was equally good, the business being in fact a model 
of efficient administration.^ As to the department 
of the provost - marshal - general, Fry replied con- 
vincingly to his accuser. In the coimtry at large 
the bounty and substitute brokers, who became 
numerous towards the end of the war, were generally 
bad men, and Fry had favored their suppression. 
Fry's vindication may be regarded as conclusive.^ 

It is enough to confute the charge that wholesale 
corruption prevailed in the management of these 
tremendous responsibilities to recall the names of 
the men who stood as heads: Lincoln, Stanton, 
Chase, Fessenden, Welles, and his assistant, G. V. 
Fox, Grant, Meigs, Ingalls, Fry — the coimtry has 
never had in great positions men of higher ability 
and integrity. That some trace of carelessness and 
imfaithfulness should occur in the conduct of such 
affairs was inevitable in view of hixman limitations, 
but the need for apology is small indeed in present- 
ing the story of these mighty labors. 

Side by side with these men in official station may 
properly be mentioned citizens in private station, 

^ War Records, Serial No. 126, p. 204. 
^Ibid., p. 254. 

' J. B. Fry, Conkling and Blaine-Fry Controversy in 1866, 



who without pay rendered indispensable services — 
men like J. M. Forbes^ and Amos A. Lawrence, of 
Boston, who from pure patriotism were government 
agents, or became boimty-brokers in the hope of 
redeeming a work thought necessary but so often 
made discreditable, and scattered broadcast patriotic 
literature; Henry Whitney Bellows and Frederick 
Law Olmstead, of New York, unpaid heads and 
organizers of the Sanitary Commission ; and James 
E. Yeatman, of St. Louis, well portrayed by Winston 
Churchill, in The Crisis, as "Mr. Brinsmade." 

The years of the Civil War fell well within the 
golden period of American literature, which reflects 
vividly the wrath, the anxieties, the sorrow, and 
the exultation of the time. In American letters the 
himiorist is never absent, and the newspapers of 
the war - time sparkled with witty effusions that, 
rough though they sometimes were, demolished evils 
more effectively than attacks sober and labored. 
''Artemus Ward" (Charles F. Browne), who was 
willing to sacrifice on the altar of his cotmtry all 
his wife's male relatives, would deserve notice if for 
no other reason than that he was a source of much 
refreshment to Lincoln. It is a strange bracketing, 
but the "High-handed Outrage in Utiky" will go 
down the ages with the Emancipation Proclamation.^ 
The president took great delight also in the deliver- 
ances of ''Petroleum V. Nasby" (D. R. Locke), as 

* Mrs. Hughes, John Murray Forbes, chaps, viii.-xviii. 
2 Hosmer, Appeal to Arms {Am. Nation, XX.), 215. 


did also James Russell Lowell, who declared that 
*'Hosea Biglow" might be spared from the field 
since a satirist of such vigor had entered it. The 
letters from the " Confedrit X Rodes" told powerful- 
ly against the Copperheadism of the West. Not far 
behind these was Robert H. Newell, "Orpheus C, 
Kerr" (Office Seeker), who, as the name suggests, 
found other political abuses than disloyalty, and 
sometimes hit out in other fields than politics. An 
effort being made to obtain a new national hymn, 
''Orpheus C. Kerr " published "The Rejected Nation- 
al Hymns," the alleged contributions to that end of 
our better-known poets. His parody of transcenden- 
tal phraseology was thought amusing forty years ago. 


"Source immaterial of material naught, — 

Focus of light infinitesimal, 
Sum of all things by sleepless Nature wrought, 

Of which the normal man is decimal, — 
Refract, with prism immortal, from thy stars 

To the stars blent, incipient, in our flag, 
The beam translucent, neutrifying death, — 

And raise to immortality the rag!" 

Often brilliant and genuinely poetic, also, were the 
poems of John G. Saxe, a Democrat. 

In a different class were J. G. Holland, Ba^^ard 
Taylor, and Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe, strong and 
loyal workers for the Union and for freedom, al- 
though the latter certainly had rendered her most 
memorable service in the preliminary years. Of the 


great pulpit and platform orators, Henry Ward 
Beecher gave much help in England as well as at 
home; while Thomas Starr King, according to the 
belief of some, saved California to the Union. 
Robert CoUyer in Chicago, Phillips Brooks in 
Philadelphia, E. H. Chapin in New York, were 
constant in their zeal. The eloquence of Wendell 
Phillips, on the other hand, tended rather to embar- 
rass than assist. William Lloyd Garrison felt that 
with the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation 
his work was accomplished, and retired from the fore- 
ground. The utterance of these days which espe- 
cially possesses the hearts of men is the address at 
Gettysburg, November 19, 1863, of Abraham Lincoln. 

A few ballads and lyrics took deep hold of the 
people, their lines becoming household words. Such 
were the "Fight in Mobile Bay," of H. H. Brownell, 
Sheridan's Ride," by T. Buchanan Read, and 
Julia Ward Howe's " Battle Hymn of the Republic." 
Of fiction there was nothing more notevv^orthy than 
Edward Everett Hale's Man Without a Country, 
which appeared in the Atlantic Monthly of Decem- 
ber, 1863. This weird and touching story, wellnigh 
perfect as an example of literary art, written for the 
temporary purpose of affecting sentiment at the 
time when Vallandigham w^as a candidate fof gov- 
ernor of Ohio, deepened sensibly northern patriotism 
in general, and ever since has been an inspiring 
object-lesson for Americans. 

As to our great writers, scientists, and intellectual 


leaders, most of whom were in the fulness of strength 
in the war period, some specimens of their declarations 
may well close this chapter. Nathaniel Hawthorne, 
perhaps the chief of all, died in 1864, apparently not 
much concerned as to the success or failure of the 
government. While consul at Liverpool, some years 
before the war, he wrote to his friend, Horatio Bridge : 
"At present we have no Country. . . . The States are 
too various and too extended to form really one 
country. New England is really quite as large a 
lump of earth as my heart can take in. Don't let 
Frank Pierce see the above or he would turn me 
out of ofhce, late in the day as it is. I have no 
kindred with or leaning towards the abolitionists."'* 
He was touched by the uprising in 1861, but only 
for a moment. February 14, 1862, he writes: 
"Frank Pierce came here and spent a night. . . . 
He is bigoted to the Union, and sees nothing but 
ruin without it ; whereas I (if we can only put the 
boundary far enough south) should not much regret 
an ultimate separation." ^ 

In this indifference, Hawthorne stood alone among 
his compeers. The poets were all fervently loyal. 
The uncombative nature of Longfellow withheld him 
from fiery expressions, but he watched anxiously the 
alternations of the struggle, now depressed, now re- 
joicing — with an earnest recognition of the nobility 
of such things as Lincoln's Gettysburg address.^ 

* Woodberry, Hawthorne, 281. Ibid., 2^4. 

^S. Longfellow, H. W. Longfellow, II,, 395. 


He was a close friend of Charles Sumner, who 
always sought Longfellow when he could be absent 
from the Senate ; to give comfort to that strenuous 
champion was good service, had Longfellow done 
nothing more. Holmes, both in verse and prose 
was always spirited and outspoken, in his lighter 
vein hitting the enemy and the backward patriot 
at home with sharp ridicule, but most impressive 
perhaps in the hymns which he wrote in times of 
special stress. Whittier was strong, aggressive, 
upon occasion denunciatory, emancipation natu- 
rally kindling his spirit; "Barbara Frietchie" is a 
chivalrous acknowledgment of an opponent's virtue. 
Bryant, with lyre for the most part laid aside, some- 
times overimpatient at the slow progress of freedom, 
nevertheless made the New York Evening Post a 
source of inspiration. 

John Lothrop Motley, minister at Vienna, made a 
good forecast of events when he said, January 27, 
1864: "I have settled down into a comfortable 
faith that this current year is to be the last of 
military operations on a large scale. The future will 
be more really prosperous than the past has ever 
been; for the volcano above which we have been 
living in a fool's paradise of forty years, dancing 
and singing and imagining ourselves going ahead, 
will have done its worst, and spent itself, I trust, 
forever." ^ 

Emerson, just after the second election of Lin- 
* To his mother, John Lothrop Motley, Correspondence, III., 3. 


coin, congratulated his countrymen, "that a great 
portion of mankind dwelling in the United States 
have given their decision in unmistakable terms, 
that a nation cannot be trifled with, but involves 
interests so dear and so vast that its unity shall be 
held by force against the forcible attempt to break 
it. What gives commanding weight to this decision 
is, that it has been made by the people sobered by 
the calamity of the war. They protest in arms 
against the levity of any small or any numerous 
minority of citizens or States, to proceed by stealth 
or by violence to dispart a country. ' ' * 

Agassiz pushed in the darkest days of the war, in 
1863, the foundation of a National Academy of 
Sciences and his own Museum of Comparative 
Zoology, alleging "that the moment of political 
danger may be that in which the firm foundations 
for the intellectual strength of a country may be 
laid." In proof he cited the fotmding, immediately 
after the prostration of Prussia, in 1806, of the 
University of Berlin, by the advice of Fichte, the 
philosopher, "which has made Berlin the intel- 
lectual centre of Germany." ^ But while thus de- 
voted to science, Agassiz was not indifferent to the 
welfare of his adopted country. He wrote to an 
English friend, August 30, 1862 : "I feel so thankful 
for your words of sympathy. It has been agonizing 
week after week to receive the English papers and 

* Cabot, R. W. Emerson, II., 610. 
2 Mrs. Agassiz, Louis Agassiz, 510. 


to see there the noble devotion of the men of the 
North to their country and its Government, branded 
as the service of mercenaries. Your warm sympathy 
I needed the more, as it is almost the first friendly 
word I have received from England, and I began 
to question the humanity of your civilization." ^ 

Lowell was especially fervent and indefatigable in 
his patriotism. He wrote for the Atlantic Monthly 
the second series of the Biglow Papers, in which his 
pathos, humor, and invective were at their best, and 
applied marvellously to the support of the cause he 
loved. At the end of 1864 he greatly mourned the 
death of three noble nephews killed in battle. 

" Rat-tat-tat -tattle through the street 

I hear the drummers makin' riot, 
An' I set thinkin' of the feet 

That follered once and now are quiet. . . . 
'Tain't right to hev the young go fust 

All throbbin' full o' gifts and graces, 
Leavin' life's paupers, dry as dust, 

To try an' make b'lieve fill their places. 

** My eyes cloud up for rain; my mouth 

Will take to twitchin' roun' the comers: 
I pity mothers, tu, down South, 

For all they sot among the scomers. 
I'd sooner take my chance to stan' 
I At Jedgment where your meanest slave is, 

I Than at God's bar hoi' up a han' 

Ez drippin' red ez yourn, Jeff Davis!" ' 

^ Mrs. Agassiz, Louis Agassiz, 577. 
"^Biglow Papers, second series, No. 10. 


With Charles EHot Norton, Lowell undertook the 
editorship of the North American Review, infusing 
into that long-established and respected publication 
a new life and loyalty. ''Everything looks well," 
he writes to Motley, December 28, 1864. ''I think 
our last election fairly legitimizes democracy for the 
first time. ... It was really a nobler thing than you 
can readily conceive so far away, for the opposition 
had appealed to every base element in human nature, 
and cunningly appealed too." ^ 

* John Lothrop Motley, Correspondence, III., 69. 



TAYLOR, one of our best authorities, declares 
that the generals at the head of the south- 
ern armies resigned all hope of success ''after 
the campaign of 1864 had fully opened. . . . The 
commanders in the field whose work and position 
enabled them to estimate the situation, fought 
simply to afford statesmanship an opportunity to 
mitigate the sorrows of inevitable defeat." * A Con- 
federate soldier of lower rank, George Cary Eggle- 
ston, asserts, too, ''we all knew from the beginning of 
1864 that the war was hopeless." ^ Though that 
may have been the opinion of the army, they did 
not confess it to themselves, but, as we have seen, 
faced with great resolution the forces of the Union. 
The civil officials, too, made no sign of want of confi- 
dence in a good issue, and the tone of the Richmond 
press was bold: it gravely discussed in the fall of 
1864 how to treat the discomfited Yankees when 
the war is over. 

* Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction, 197. 
' Eggleston, A ReheVs Recollections, 235. 


No man in the Confederacy faced the situation 
with more courage than Jefferson Davis, and when 
in 1865 many whose hearts till then had been stout 
gave up hope, he worked on with unabated confi- 
dence and zeal. If the labors of Lincoln were great, 
those of Davis were no less arduous ; but now while 
Lincoln was on the point of final victory^ and the 
resources and confidence of a great people were 
poured out to him as the recognized chief agent in 
bringing about success, the cause which Davis up- 
held was failing fast, and condemnation more often 
than praise w^as visited upon him. 

While what the Confederate soldiers did in the 
field was as a rule well done, the military adminis- 
tration and commissariat were very defective. 
Since the advent of Moltke, military writers have 
had much to say about the importance to a fighting 
nation of a proper general staff ;^ such a body the 
southern army certainly had not — a want which 
was offset by a similar lack in the northern army. 
It must be admitted that Davis was a poor judge 
of men: he looked with disfavor upon officers of 
the merit of Beauregard and Joe Johnston, while 
he esteemed Braxton Bragg, adopting him as his 
adviser when Bragg stood discredited with all 
others. It must also be laid upon him that Colonel 
L. B. Northrop was retained as commissary-general. 
It is a Napoleonic maxim that an army moves upon 

^ Henderson, Science of War, 69, 401; C. F. Adams, Hist. Soc. 
of Mass., Proceedings, series 2, xx., 159. 



its belly; that it shall be fed is vital, but according 
to much testimony from southern men the manage- 
ment of the commissariat was execrable. The re- 
sources, so scanty as compared with those of the 
Union, were clumsily and wastefuUy handled, and 
red-tape strangled efficiency to a disastrous extent. 
Eggleston portra^ys in many pages the resulting 
hardships to the soldiers. Stationed in South Caro- 
lina, the force of which his battery was a part was 
in the midst of rice -fields, furnishing excellent 
food. It had been determined, however, to feed 
the army on bacon and flour, which must be brought 
hundreds of miles; the supply failing through bad- 
ness of transportation, there w^as no thought of 
having recourse to rice, but the troops were put on 
short rations, being thus made to hunger in the 
midst of plenty.^ 

In the first Bull Run campaign red-tape and bad 
judgment neglected to use the meat and grain of 
the valley of Virginia, close at hand, accessible and 
likely to fall soon into the hands of the enemy, but 
depended rather upon stores brought with cost and 
inconvenience from Richmond. So it was at the 
beginning; and far towards the end of the war, 
January 5, 1864, we find Lee writing to Northrop a 
letter in which his dissatisfaction with the commis- 
sariat is very apparent: no beef had been issued to 
the cavalry corps for eighteen months, and the 
suggestions made by the commissary for bettering 
* Eggleston, A Rebel's Recollections, 204. 


matters were disapproved.^ It is, indeed, hard to 
see why Lee did not interfere to remedy evils which 
crippled him seriousty ; but the inefficiency went on. 
In the department, too, of the provost- marshal - 
general, the trouble was as great. The system of 
guards, passports, and permits was in a high degree 
annoying to soldiers not only on furlough but on 
duty, giving rise to often-expressed wishes that Lee 
would take things into his own hands. ^ 

The executive departments in general had many 
critics. That there was unwisdom in the treasury 
has been made plain :^ the postmaster-general could 
not regulate the mails; the secretaries of war and 
the navy were targets for abuse. Much of the dis- 
content was no doubt unreasonable, but from begin- 
ning to end Benjamin seems to have been the only 
cabinet officer who made his influence powerfully felt. 

The ability of the country, in fact, was in the 
field, and men could not remain in civil positions, 
even the highest, without loss of reputation. An 
able-bodied man away from the front, whether a 
clerk or a congressman, was liable to unpleasant 
reminders that he might be in a better place; and 
in this state of public opinion it came about that 
men inferior in energy and talent made up the mass 
in the legislatures and departments. Since the de- 
bates of the Confederate congress have been only 

^ Long, R. E. Lee, 637. 

^Eggleston, A Rebel's Recollections, 210, et seq. 
^ See above, p. 19. 


partially preserved, its action has received little at- 
tention, but the popular view was that it was unduly 
subservient to Davis and played an unimportant 
part. ''Congress seems to be doing little or noth- 
ing," writes J. B. Jones, January 7, 1865; "but 
before it adjourns it is supposed it will as usual pass 
the measure dictated by the President. How insig- 
nificant a legislative body becomes when it is not 
independent! The Confederate Congress will not 
live in history, for it never really existed at all ; but 
has always been merely a body of subservient men 
registering the decrees of the executive." * 

As to commerce, external and internal, while in 
the war-time the North lost its merchant-marine, 
the South never had a merchant-marine to lose: 
before the war the ships of the North and of foreign 
nations cared for her trade, and during the war the 
blockade-runners were usually of foreign construc- 
tion and ownership. m\s to internal commerce, 
nearly fifteen thousand miles of railroad existed in 
the seceding states in 1861;^ but notwithstanding 
the lack of a through line from Mobile to the north- 
eastward, almost no railroad building took place 
during the war. No forges, mills, and machine- 
shops existed adequate to keep the existing tracks 
and rolling-stock in order, much less to start 'new 
enterprises : the rigidity of the blockade barred out 
importations. Although throughout the war a se- 

^ Jones, Rebel War Clerk's Diary, II., 379. 
^ Am. Anmial Cyclop., 1865, P* 742« 

VOL. XXI. — 18 



cret and illegitimate trade went on between North 
and South, connived at by the authorities on both 
sides, through which first and last much money 
was made by individuals, yet no supplies came in 
which at all answered to the requirements of the 
South. The ordinary wear and tear of a railroad 
makes necessary constant repairs and replacements, 
and the southern roads and their equipments were 
usually light and cheap: the traffic grew heavy 
with the transport of armies and their belongings, 
so that the natural use was destructive. As the 
war progressed, the pressure from the Federal in- 
vaders constantly increased, until for hundreds of 
miles the communications, if not in hostile hands, 
were wrecked by raiding parties beyond the possi- 
bility of reconstruction. Wagon-roads, always poor, 
went more and more to ruin ; the navigable streams 
became useless through the destruction by the gun- 
boats of the craft that plied upon them. 

Hence, transportation, whether by sea or land, 
became a matter of the greatest difficulty. As early 
as the spring of 1863, Fremantle, who made a journey 
throughout the Confederacy, from Brownsville, 
Texas, to Gettysburg, makes plain the difficulties 
of travel everywhere.^ In the fall and winter of 
1864, when Sherman had penetrated Georgia and 
the Carolinas, people who sought to flee by the 
overtaxed trains often found it impossible. The 
graphic Mrs. Chesnut makes an amusing reference 

* Fremantle, Three Months in the Southern States, passim. 


to the trials of an over-stout lady of dignity and 
standing who was pushed and pulled through the 
small window of a car the doors to which were 
blocked by crowds/ General Johnston, on his way 
in 1864 to take command against Sherman, was de- 
layed and endangered in his passage ; and Dick Tay- 
lor, sent to command the Department of the Lower 
South, found it scarcely possible, a little later, to 
cross the Mississippi: it must be done at night; 
his guides carried on their shoulders from its place 
of concealment to the river the small skiff, the best 
conveyance that could be found for a lieutenant- 
general : the horses swam alongside ; the party spoke 
in whispers, so that the attention of the close at 
hand Federal gun-boat might not be attracted.^ 
The soldiers of Sherman remember that in march- 
ing through Georgia they found food in abundance, 
and were angry because the prisoners at Anderson- 
ville were so near starving. The truth at the mo- 
ment was that the abundance of Georgia could not 
be got northward to the Confederate armies; it was 
equally difficult to send it southward to the pris- 
oners, who naturally to the Confederates were of 
secondary importance. The apparatus for equali- 
I zation and distribution failed: for transit of every 
j kind, the highways and the appliances, if not 
I broken to pieces by violence, were ruined through 
wear and neglect. 

* Mrs. Chesnut, Diary from Dixie, 351. 

2 Taylor, Destruction and Reconstrtiction, 197. 



As to production, throughout the period until 
the territory was entirely overrun by Union armies, 
the South remained fruitful. While all the able- 
bodied white men from sixteen to seventy at last 
were in the camps, the negroes, under the direction 
of the old men and the women, tilled the planta- 
tions as before the war. The government made 
efforts, often successful, to promote the raising of 
a variety of provisions rather than cotton. If what 
was raised could have been got to market, and if 
when there transactions could have been assisted 
by a proper currency, the situation might not have 
been distressing. As to manufactures, we have seen 
the heroic efforts made by a people who had hereto- 
fore depended upon what they could import, to 
furnish for themselves clothes, shoes, tools, and 
machines.^ On many a plantation, and often in the 
towns, homespun was woven and dyed butternut, 
leather was tanned and worked into foot-gear, 
straw plaited, baskets woven, and wooden-ware 
contrived, while rough carpentry and blacksmithing 
were applied to making what was indispensable. 
Thus life was maintained. The hardships of those 
forced to live on salaries were greater than those of 
farmers and planters, living in cities being not by 
any means as easy as in the country.^ 

Paper money became at last worth scarcely one 
per cent, of its face value, and in the disorganiza- 

* See above, chap. iv. 

2 Eggleston, A Rebel's Recollections, 95. 




tion all proper relation of prices was lost. Eggle- 
ston bought in the same day coffee at forty dollars 
and tea at thirty dollars a pound; while a dinner 
cost twenty dollars, and a newspaper one dollar.* 
The value of money constantly fell, and the temp- 
tation to speculate prevailed widely. An article 
bought to-day was sure to bring more to-morrow, 
and the scrip, though felt to be worthless, somehow 
because it pretended to be money was held to be 
desirable. Speculators fell under suspicion, a fate 
shared at last by all who had to do with merchan- 
dising. The Confederate Congress, which enjoyed so 
little credit during its existence, perhaps did noth- 
ing which helped more towards its disrepute than 
the funding act of February 17, 1864, upon the 
principle "that the best way to enhance the value 
of the currency was to depreciate it still further." 
The scheme of repudiation proved quite futile, and 
the condition grew worse to the end. The day be- 
fore Lee's surrender, a cavalry officer, offering a 
five-hundred-dollar note for a pair of boots priced 
at two hundred dollars, the store-keeper could not 
make the change. "Never mind," said the cava- 
lier, "I'll keep the boots anyhow. Keep the change. 
I never let a little matter of three hundred dollars 
stand in the way of a trade." ^ With fiour selling 
at last at one thousand dollars a barrel, the cur- 
rency broke down. Foreigners, who sometimes 

* Eggleston, A Rebel's Recollections, chap. iv. 
2 Ibid., 92. 




came in on blockade-runners, and were able to af- 
ford to the people the rare sight of gold or silver 
coin, found no trouble in buying at prices near those 
prevailing before the war. United States green- 
backs, too, were eagerly taken at rates not far dif- 
ferent from those at the North, a practice which, 
as has been mentioned, the government sought to 
correct by statute.^ A general recourse was had at 
last to barter, everybody, so far as he could, paying 
*4n kind" for what he purchased. 

Education at the South before the war, so far as 
it was cared for by a public system, was in a rudi- 
mentary stage. ^ The common school led a languish- 
ing life in a very few cities, and in vast regions the 
people were quite unprovided. Private academies 
and seminaries for well-to-do boys and girls existed 
in every southern state ; above this was an apparatus 
of denominational colleges, wide-spread and un- 
doubtedly useful; but it was a usual thing for the 
sons and daughters of the planters to seek the 
North or Europe for advantages which they could 
not find at home. At every centre of southern life 
were men and women highly accomplished, whose 
culture, however, was gained in distant schools, or 
from tutors and governesses brought from thence. 

At the appeal to arms, the colleges for men were 
in great part closed entirely : while the students went 
into the ranks, the teachers and heads also often 

^ See above, p. 21. 

2 Hart, Slavery and Abolition {Am. Nation, XVI.), 20 et seq. 


entered the public service in various capacities. 
John and Joseph Leconte, as we have seen, when 
the University of South Carohna was closed, directed 
laboratories and powder-factories. D. H. Hill and 
Stonewall Jackson, men trained at West Point, and 
many more who had been teachers, figured in the 
front of battle. For children, schools sometimes 
continued, though much inconvenienced and inter- 
rupted in the turmoil. A glimpse into the life of 
teachers of those days may be had in the follow- 
ing story. The Richmond Examiner, "a newspaper 
Ishmael," charged Mr. Sydney O. Owens, a teacher, 
with extortion; to w^hich Mr. Owens replied that 
while his charges were five or six times as high as 
in i860, "your shoemaker, carpenter, butcher, 
market-man, demand from twenty to thirty or forty 
times as much as in i860. Will you show me a 
civilian who is charging only six times the prices 
in i860, except the teacher only? As to the amass- 
ing of fortunes by teachers, make your calculations, 
sir, and you will find it an absurdity." ^ 

In religion, the South has always been more faith- 
ful to old doctrines than has the North. While 
several of her greatest men, like John C. Calhoun, 
John Marshall, and Thomas Jefferson professed a 
very liberal faith, the people in general have 
not followed them. Wherever the Creole French 
and Spanish prevail, as in the Southwest and lower 
South, the Catholic church is zealously upheld. 
* Eggleston, A Rebel's Recollections, 106. 


In other regions Baptists, Methodists, and Presby- 
terians absorb the community, clinging fast to 
BibHcal land-marks and the sternest traditions of 
the founders. In the cities and among the great 
planter-class the Protestant Episcopal church, coeval 
in its establishment with the settlement of the 
country, has possessed an authority which though 
not formally admitted since colonial times, has re- 
mained scarcely less definite than that of the Church 
of England. As at the North, so at the South, the 
excitement of the war greatly stimulated religion. 

At home the churches were aglow, revival followed 
revival ; no regiment departed for the front without 
consecration; and in the camps a fire of devotion 
often prevailed not surpassed in history. The lead- 
ing characters of the period were men full of pious 
ardor. Scenes recorded in the life of Bishop Polk 
recall the enthusiasm of the crusades, and his en- 
vironment, when his strong personality had oppor- 
tunity to make impression, recalls the Templars and 
the Knights Hospitalers. Stonewall Jackson made 
his life as near as he could a perpetual prayer,^ and 
he so powerfully swayed his troops that a cam- 
paign became almost a long-continued camp-meet- 
ing, interspersed with marches and battles. The re- 
ligion of Lee and Jefferson Davis was calmer, but, it 
may be believed, not less earnest and profound. 
St. Paul's Church, in Richmond, is a stately temple, 
and as a spot where the flower of the Confederacy 
* Hosmer, Appeal to Arms {Am. Nation, XX.), 139. 




especially gathered, and whence many a leader 
slain in battle was carried to his grave, it has tragic 
and interesting associations. One contemplates to- 
day v/ith reverence the places within its walls where 
each Sunday the president and chief -general of the 
Confederacy bent the knee, men sincere, able, and 
hard-striving, if misguided. 

In this time, at the South, the refined enjoyments 
which ordinarily adorn and afford relief to life, gave 
way to sterner things: music was mostly silent, 
except as employed for martial and religious incite- 
ment:^ art ceased to appeal: literature found few 
votaries, excepting that certain noble lyrics and 
ballads, like ''Stonewall Jackson's Way," and the 
"High Tide at Gettysburg," showed that there were 
still poets. Few books were imported; still fewer 
written and published.^ Pamphlets abounded re- 
lating to one or another phase of the war: the 
religious warmth caused the issue of many tracts 
and sermons; each large town had its newspaper, 
those of the cities often conducted with ability and 
playing a great part in encouraging resistance. The 
straits to which printers were at last reduced were 
very grave; while ink and presses failed, paper, too, 
grew scarce until coarse wrapping and wall paper 
were used for want of anything better. 

1 W. R. Whittlesey, List of Music of the South, i860 -1864 
(Library of Congress, in preparation) . 

2 H. A. Morrison, List of Confederate Documents and Books 
published in the Confederacy (Library of Congress, in preparation) . 


In struggles like the Civil War in America, it is 
no doubt usual and natural that the passion of the 
time should seize especially upon the more emo- 
tional sex. To say the least, the women of the 
North felt as keenly as the men the sentiment of 
loyalty; and at the South the women surpassed 
the men, if that were possible, in devotedness. 
The day went against them, and in the humilia- 
tions and injuries which came upon the South 
through the defeat, women especially suffered. It 
was their part to endure without the power to 
strike back; and when, at the close, the country 
was laid waste by invading armies, as witnesses 
and helpless victims in the inevitable desolation 
they had really a harder lot than the men, who 
at the front found a relief in the excitement of 
battle. Of course, in such a storm, good taste and 
delicacy were sometimes torn to shreds. The mani- 
festations of the women of New Orleans which 
provoked the woman-order " of Butler,^ were in 
some instances not less rough and exasperating than 
the means taken to suppress them. When the 
Federal foragers appeared upon estates whose own- 
ers were absent fighting under Lee or Johnston, the 
wives, mothers, and daughters left behind could 
have no smiles and soft words for the intruders. 
The bitterest wrath flashed out as a matter of course, 
and wrath as bitter in the answer; and there was 
no weighing of words in accusation or retort. 

* Hosmer, Appeal to Arms {Am. Nation, XX.), 119. 


A young woman of New Orleans, who was par- 
ticularly obnoxious through her demonstrations 
and activity in thwarting the plans of the victors, 
framed upon her wall, as her diploma," a note 
wherein, over the signature B. F. Butler, it w^as 
recorded that "the black-eyed Miss B. is an incor- 
rigible little devil w^hom even prison-fare won't 
tame." ^ At a plantation a Federal colonel, in the 
parlor, uninvited but aiming to be polite, asked the 
gentle-mannered daughter of the house to play. 
She declined, upon which the colonel seated himself 
at the instrument; thereupon the girl, seizing a 
hatchet, severed with rapid blows the piano chords. 
'*It is my piano, and it shall not give you a mo- 
ment's pleasure." ^ Eggleston declares that he 

never knew a reconstructed Southern woman," 
and it is very plain even now that while the men 
often look back calmly on this war, the injuries still 
rankle in the hearts of the women. 

Yet after forty years the embers burn low: even 
their ancient foes may well pay tribute to the spirit, 
fortitude, and self-sacrifice of the women of the 
Confederacy. The suggestion publicly made by one 
of them late in the war, that all the southern women 
should cut off their hair and sell it in Europe, where 
it was believed it might bring forty million dollars,^ 
would have been promptly and gladly carried out, 
could it have been managed. "There is not a 

^ Eggleston, A Rebel's Recollections, 66. ^ Ibid., 64. 

^ Hosmer, Appeal to Arms {Am. Nation, XX.), 68. 


woman worthy of the name of Southerner who 
would not do it, if we could get it out of the country- 
and bread or meat in return." ^ To furnish the 
nitre needed for powder, women dug up the earth 
of smoke-houses and tobacco-barns from which it 
might be extracted. They denied themselves meat 
and coffee that it might be sent to the army. An 
invalid suffering for proper food said: I think it is 
a sin to eat anything that can be used for rations." 
In besieged towns, while nursing wounded men in 
hospitals, the coolness of the women under fire was 
always remarkable.^ In a party of refugees driven 
out of Atlanta by the edict of Sherman in September, 
1864, a beautiful girl was seen to step from among 
her companions, and kneeling to kiss passionately 
the soil she was about to forsake.^ Such tales make 
up the record of the southern women of the war 
period : self-sacrifice could go no further. 

The behavior of the three and a half million 
negroes of the South during the Civil War is an 
interesting subject, and not altogether easy to 
understand. Unmistakably they rejoiced, in the 
main, in the freedom which the war brought; and 
3^et there were no attempts at insurrection. John 
Brown's effort at Harper's Ferry was based on 
a complete misapprehension,'* and perhaps at the 
South the misapprehension of the negro character 

' Mrs. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, 341. 

^ Eggleston, A Rebel's Recollections, chap. iii. 

' Miss Gay, Life in Dixie During the War, 141. 

^ Chadwick, Causes of the Civil War {Am. Nation, XIX.), chap. v. 


was scarcely less, for many believed that a slave 
•uprising was not only possible but probable/ 

A popular song of the time, perhaps composed by 
negroes, runs: 

** Say, darkys, hab you seen de Massa, 
Wid de muff stash on he face, 
Go down de road some time dis mornin' 

Like he gwine to leabe de place. 
He see de smoke way up de ribber, 

Whar de Lincum gun-boats lay; 
He took his hat and he leff berry sudden, 
An' I s'pose he's runned away. 
De Massa run, ha, ha! 

De darky stay, ho, ho! 
It mus' be now de kingdom's comin', 
An' de yar ob jubilo."^ 

Though in individual instances slaves ran away, 
the mass of negroes who came to the Federal armies 
came because the masters had abandoned the slaves. 
Hunter, commanding in the Sea Islands, declared 
that the refugees were the whites, the blacks hav- 
ing remained in their places; and in general not 
only was there no effort by the negroes to subvert 
authority, but they did not flee from it, awaiting 
quietly in their cabins the impending deliverance. 

In a strange way, the negroes upheld both of the 
contending parties. The South could not have 
maintained itself in the field but for the service of 
the blacks at home, and in every kind of service 

* Rhodes, United States, V., 458. 

* American War Ballads, George Gary Eggleston, editor, II., 200. 


but that of fighting-men at the front: the North 
was scarcely, if at all, less dependent upon the 
"grape-vine telegraph," upon the work of the 
contraband with the trains, on the fortifications — 
indeed, on the firing-line; and whether serving 
North or South, the blacks were equally patient, 
faithful, and effective. When Grant was advancing 
back of Vicksburg, in 1863, Mrs. Sm-edes relates that 
the negroes on her father's plantation remained 
devoted — showing indeed unusual affection, and con- 
cealing property so that the invaders could not 
find it.^ At the same time, it does not appear that 
they objected to those among their number who 
helped the Union: such departures no doubt were 
sometimes connived at by those who themselves 
stuck to the old order. Indeed, it may be believed 
that the same individuals, while on the one hand 
protecting and aiding their owners to whom with 
their warm hearts they felt attached, at another 
time helped the enemy, the Lincoln men, whose 
success meant for them emancipation. Some see 
in this behavior an oxlike stolidity — a temperament 
without initiative or power to organize, submissive, 
yielding dumbly to whatever strong white hand 
might for the moment be raised above them: some 
feel a sense of permanent gratitude to a race which 
was faithful under great temptation.^ 

^ Mrs. Smedes, A Southern Planter, 209. 

2 Grady, in Hart, Hist, told by Contemporaries, IV., 652, where 
the speech is quoted. 


However it may be explained, it is certain that 
at the breaking up of the old relations of master 
and slave there was often mutual respect and 
affection. "They were our greatest comfort dur- 
ing the war," exclaims Mrs. Smedes. ''They seem- 
ed to do better when they knew there was trouble 
in the white family." ^ Mis^ Gay relates an anec- 
dote of a slave at once naive and shrewd. She was 
one day surprised by a request from ''King," a 
valuable slave, that she would sell him to "Mr. 
Johnson," a man whom King was known to disHke. 
When pressed to explain. King declared to Miss Gay 
and her mother a strong attachment, but said that 
he had been sent by Mr. Johnson to arrange the 
bargain which he. King, was anxious to conclude, 
a lot and store in Atlanta being offered in exchange. 
"I tell you what. Miss Polly, when this war is over 
none of us is going to belong to you. We'll all be 
free." By parting with him to Mr. Johnson, who 
did not see the near ending of slavery, as King ex- 
plained. Miss Polly might transfer the loss to him, 
while she possessed comfortably the Atlanta real 
estate. "He's a mighty mean man, and I want 
him to lose me." Thus King proposed, in the 
transaction, to enjoy a triple pleasure: while ob- 
taining his own freedom, to benefit the mistress 
whom he loved, and to satisfy his grudge against 
the man whom he disliked.^ 

^ Mrs. Smedes, A Southern Planter, 196. 

2 Miss Gay, Life in Dixie During the War, 54 et seq. 


Joseph Le Conte, an intelligent and conscientious, 
owner of slaves, "felt distressingly the responsibility 
of their care; because I felt that those who owned 
slaves ought personally to manage them, as my 
father did. I could at any time during the twenty 
years previous to the war, have sold my land and 
negroes with great advantage to myself. This I 
refused to do out of a sense of responsibility for 
their welfare"; and he found that emancipation 
took from his shoulders a great burden, though he 
had fears as to the welfare of his people so suddenly 
manumitted.^ Eggleston describes the behavior of 
his negroes when the white men were all gone. Most 
of them desired freedom and quite understood the 
situation: they knew that they had only to assert 
themselves to make their freedom certain, but they 
remained faithful and affectionate. At the end of 
the war they acted with modesty and wisdom, a 
great, calm patience being their most universal char- 

At the beginning of 1865 "the seceding states con- 
tained a people overwhelmed by bereavements, 
by material ruin, by the disappointment of every 
hope. The face of things was very stern: famine 
was close at hand to many: in the field there was 
desperate battle, the ultimate result of which none 
could doubt. With one or two concrete examples 
let the story end. 

* Le Conte, Autobiography, 231. 

2 Eggleston, A Rebel's Recollections, 255 et seq. 


The rebel war-clerk's entry for January 27, 1865, 
is: ''Clear and coldest morning of the winter. Only 
the speculators have a supply of food and fuel. . . . 
My wood-house was broken into last night and 
two of the nine sticks of wood taken. Wood is 
selling at five dollars a stick. The thermometer at 

Mrs. Chesnut writes, January 17, 1865: ''Hood 
came yesterday. He is staying at the Prestons' 
with Jack. They sent for us. What a heartfelt 
greeting he gave us! He can stand well enough 
without his crutch, but he does very slow walking. 
How plainly he spoke out dreadful words about 
'my defeat and discomfiture; my army destroyed, 
my losses.' Isabella said, 'Maybe you attempted 
the impossible,' and began one of her merriest 
stories. Jack Preston touched me on the arm and 
we slipped out. 'He did not hear a word she was 
saying. He had forgotten us all. Did you notice 
how he stared in the fire ? and the lurid spots which 
came out in his face, and the drops of perspiration 
that stood on his forehead?' 'Yes, he is going over 
some bitter scene. He sees Willie Preston with his 
heart shot away. He sees the panic at Nashville, 
and the dead on the battle-field at Franklin.' 
'That agony on his face comes again and again,' 
said tender-hearted Jack. ' I can't keep him out of 
those absent fits. ' " ^ 

* Jones, Rebel War Clerk's Diary, II., 400. 
2 Mrs. Chesnut, Diary from Dixie, 342 et seq. 

VOL. XXI. — 19 


(April, 1865) 

FROM the battle of Chattanooga, in October, 
1863, to the spring of 1865, General Grant un- 
derwent severe trials. His labors were incessant, 
his responsibilities enormous, his capacity exercised 
to its fullest. Nevertheless, he was disappointed 
where he tried hardest; for after a year's steady 
campaigning, Richmond and the Army of Northern 
Virginia were still defiant. Though Meade con- 
tinued to command the Army of the Potomac, 
Grant was always at his side, the real leader; and 
it was he whom the people judged for whatever 
that army did or failed to do. Meantime, Sherman, 
Sheridan, and Thomas reached high distinction. 
Their success, no doubt, was in great part due to 
Grant, who put those generals in place, had a hand 
in all their planning if he was not absolutely the 
director of their movements, and kept Lee from 
reinforcing their opponents; but to the popular 
eye this was not quite apparent. Grant's tenacity, 
indeed, through protracted disaster, excited wonder. 
Really, his heroic quality was never more manifest 


than in that long year's endurance of hope deferred; 
but this is plainer in the retrospect than it was at 
the moment. 

In the other camp, Lee had reached a better 
recognition; his fame filled the world. January 
19, 1865, the Confederate Congress, by making him 
commander-in-chief, conferred on him practically 
supreme power: he was the idol of the South, and 
could do what he chose within his lines. But to 
the Confederate capable of measuring the situation 
the end was evidently near. 

The state of things at Richmond when the cam- 
paign was about to open is well indicated by an 
entry in the Rebel War Clerk's Diary} "At a public 
meeting, Mr. Benjamin, being a member of the 
cabinet, made a significant and most extraordinary 
speech. He said the white fighting men were ex- 
hausted, and that black men must recruit the 
army — and it must be done at once. That General 
Lee had informed him he must abandon Richmond 
if not soon reinforced, and that negroes would 
answer. The states must send them. Congress 
having no authority. Virginia must lead the way 
and send twenty thousand to the trenches in twenty 
days. Let the negroes volunteer, and be emanci- 
pated. He also said that all who had cotton, 
tobacco, corn, meat, etc., must give them to the 
government, not sell them." March 13, the Con- 
federate Congress passed an act authorizing the 
^ Jones, Rebel War Clerk's Diary, II., 415 (Febmary 10, 1865). 


enlistment of slaves as soldiers/ The opposition 
was great ; the vote was carried by the influence of 
Lee, who declared, February 18, ''that it was not 
only expedient but necessary"; that "t)ie negroes, 
under proper circumstances, will make efficient sol- 
diers." The end came before the effect of this pol- 
icy, judged by many desperate, became apparent.^ 

Lee could oppose to the one hundred and twenty- 
five thousand men of Grant probably not half as 
many.^ Warfare, which all winter long had to some 
extent continued, became in March as active as 
possible.^ Lee, resolving to abandon Richmond, 
planned to unite with Johnston, in North Carohna: 
after which, Sherman having been crtished, there 
was a desperate chance that Grant might be over- 
thrown. Lee could accomplish colossal tasks with 
small resources, and was sanguine enough to see an 
opportunity here. March 25, he began operations 
by strongly reinforcing the divisions of J. B. Gordon, 
and sending him to attack Fort Stedman, a work 
near the centre of the Federal line south of Peters - 
burg. Confederate deserters had been coming over 
in considerable numbers to the Union lines, and 
when the Federal pickets before light saw the ap- 
proaching crowd, they misjudged them to be fugi- 
tives, an error resulting in Confederate success. 

1 War Records, Serial No. 129, p. 1161. 

^ For Lee's letter, see Jones, Rebel War Clerk's Diary, II., 432. 
^ War Records, Serial No. 95, p. 62; Humphreys, Virginia 
Campaign, 1864-1865, p. 323. 

^ War Records, Serial No. 95, passim. 


But it was temporary: the Federals rallied, and 
Gordon was driven out with heavy loss/ 

March 26, Sheridan arrived,^ after severe winter 
operations on the line of the Virginia Central Rail- 
road. Next day also came Sherman, by steamer 
from North Carolina: and at the same time, from 
Washington, no other than the president. The 
heads consulted, but there was no pause in opera- 
tions. A plan for despatching Sheridan's cavalry 
south to join Sherman's army was fmstrated by 
floods which made the rivers impassable. The 
troopers, therefore, crossing to Cit}^ Point, were 
sent at once by Grant to Dinwiddle Court-House, 
on the extreme left, where it was designed to turn 
Lee's right, the Confederate intrenchments running 
from Richmond thirty-five miles in that direction. 
Lee speedily reinforced the threatened point, and 
the Federal cavalry, supported by the Fifth and 
Second Corps, struggled at first unsuccessfully; but 
April 7, Sheridan gained a victory at Five Forks, 
having attacked with forty-five thousand men not 
half that number of infantry and cavalry : ^ but the 
defence was very brave and able, Pickett and Fitz- 
hugh Lee being conspicuous.^ A regrettable inci- 
dent of the day was that Sheridan saw fit to remove 
from the command of the Fifth Corps the veteran 

* Gordon, Reminiscences of Civil War, 395. 
2 Sheridan, Personal Memoirs, IL, 125. 

^ Livermore, Numbers and Losses, 137. 

* Battles and Leaders, IV., 708 et seq.; Long, Lee, 409 et seq. 


Warren, an officer of the highest distinction: this 
action was authorized and approved by Grant, who 
found Warren overcritical and assuming.^ The case 
cannot be discussed here: a court of inquiry, many 
years later, found nothing wanting in Warren's con- 
duct on that day, and his reputation bears no stain. ^ 

Henceforth things moved rapidly. April 2, Wright 
and Parke, with the Sixth and Ninth Corps, feeling 
sure that Lee had thinned his lines in their front 
while strengthening his right, expressed confidence 
in their ability to break them; by this time, indeed, 
Lee had made up his mind to abandon Peters- 
burg. The Federals attacked at daybreak from 
advanced positions gained a week before in the 
battle of Fort Stedman ; while Ord, with the Army of 
the James, assaulted farther to the left : they car- 
ried the intrenchments of Petersburg, occupying 
next da}^ that long - defended stronghold. Among 
the fallen was the brave Confederate General A. P. 
Hill, whom w^hether as man or soldier it would be 
hard to overpraise. April 3, Lee evacuated Rich- 
mond, the beginning of the end! 

The Confederates marched westward for Amelia 
Court -House, to which point supplies had been 
ordered. While Weitzel, with the Twenty-fifth 
Corps, occupied Richmond, most of Grant's army 
streamed after their retreating foes, now greatly 
reduced in number. At Amelia Court-House, Lee 

^ Grant, Personal Memoirs, II., 306. 

2 Humphreys, Virginia Campaign, 1864-186 5, p. 357 et seq. 


found that by a mistake in orders the supplies were 
not there. With no food, therefore, except what 
they could gather from the country, losing a pre- 
cious day in the effort, the doomed and scanty 
columns toiled on. The South Side and the Dan- 
ville railroads were now lost to them, the Federals 
having seized the junction at Burkesville. Was 
there a possibility of escaping westward ? April 6, 
Ewell, with eleven general officers and his division 
of eight thousand men, was captured at Sailor's 
Creek. Longstreet, near by at Rice's Station, with 
whom marched Lee himself, evaded the pursuers 
a little longer. Barlow's division of the Second 
Federal Corps, marching at double-quick, saved, 
April 7, a bridge already on fire, at Farmville. 
On the evening of April 8, Custer's troopers seized 
supply-trains at Appomattox station; and by the 
9th Sheridan's cavalry, hurrying forward, barred 
the road before Lee's head of column.^ Already a 
deputation of officers headed by General Pendleton 
had expressed to Lee the conviction that their cause 
was hopeless : he now saw himself that the end had 

The capitulation took place in the house of a 
man named ]\IcLean, at Appomattox Court-House, 
on April 9. Between March 2 and April 7, Lee had 
lost in killed and wounded 6266, and in prisoners 
13,769; thousands more had deserted, so that at 

^Longstreet, Manassas to Appomattox, chaps, xlii., xliii.; 
Battles and Leaders, IV., 729. 


last but 26,765 laid down their arms.^ "Men, we 
have fought through the war together. I have 
done my best for you. My heart is too full to say 
more," was Lee's simple and manly farewell.^ 

At the interview between the two leaders, Lee 
appeared in a new and handsome uniform, com^» 
plete to the elegant sword at his side. No finer 
type of manly grace and dignity can be im.agined 
than the Confederate leader as he stepped down' 
that day from his eminent position. Grant, on the 
other hand, not anticipating the meeting, was in 
the blouse of a private soldier, dusty from riding. 
His face was haggard from illness which he had 
suffered during the preceding night. The two men 
met courteously, exchanging reminiscences of expe- 
riences which they had undergone together in the 
old army. At last Grant wrote out his tenns— 
arms to be surrendered, the Army of Northern Vir- 
ginia to be paroled until exchanged, the officers 
to retain their side-arms and private horses: after 
a little talk the ''horse clause" was extended to 
include each private soldier claiming to own a horse 
or a mule. Grant conceiving that as ''small farmers," 
which most of them were, the animals would be 
needed "to put in the crop." This concession Lee 
believed "would have a happy effect." ^ On these 

^ Livermore, Numbers and Losses, 135. 

2 Fitzhugh Lee, R. E. Lee, 396. 

3 Grant, Personal Memoirs, II., 341 et seq.; Sheridan, Personal 
Memoirs, II., chaps, vii., viii.; War Records, Serial No. 95, pp. 
557-1305 (Appomattox Campaign). 


conditions Lee's army, "fought to a frazzle," ^ at 
last succumbed. The final campaign cost a Federal 
loss of ten thousand. The capitulation of Con- 
federate commands far and near followed as the 
natural sequence. At Mobile a bloody and un- 
necessary battle was taking place at this very time: 
the city would have fallen without it.^ April 26, 
Johnston surrendered, adding 37,047 to the number 
of paroled prisoners. The impetuous Sherman here, 
in arranging the conditions, exceeded his authority; 
and on the other hand, Stanton was captious and 
arbitrary, an unpleasant hitch, in which there was 
no superior gtiiding hand to bring the two parties to- 
gether.^ ]\Iay 4, Dick Taylor gave up to Canby all 
troops still in arms in Mississippi and Alabama, a 
procedure followed, ]\Iay 26, by Kirby Smith, in 
the trans - Mississippi. The total number paroled 
after surrender on the Appomattox terms, through- 
out the Confederacy, was 174,223.^ On May 10, 
Jefferson Davis, who till then had evaded his pur- 
suers, was captured in southern Georgia, and there- 
after imprisoned in Fortress ^lonroe. 

"The news is from Heaven," wrote Lowell, after 
Appomattox. "I felt a strange and tender exalta- 
tion. I wanted to laugh and I wanted to cry, and 
ended by holding my peace and feeling devoutly 

^ J. B. Gordon's expression, see Long, Lee, 421. 
^ War Records, Serial No. 103, pp. 87-322 (Mobile Campaign). 
^ W. T. Sherman, Memoirs, II., 347 et seq.; Gorham, Stanton, 
II., 170 et seq., for Stanton's relations with Sherman. 
*War Records, Serial Xo. 126, p. 532. 


thankful. There is something magnificent in hav- 
ing a country to love. It is almost like what one 
feels for a woman. Not so tender, perhaps, but 
to the full as self -forgetful." ^ 

As we take farewell of Grant and Lee, figures so 
strongly contrasted as they meet in the interview 
at Appomattox, a word or two of characterization 
may be properly spoken. Both are held deep 
within the hearts of Americans as heroes sincere 
and manly. Of Lee, perhaps, it may be said that 
he has been unfortunate in biographers, who have 
painted him as free not only from all faults but 
also from all foibles. Not content with traits of 
greatness, those who describe him dwell often upon 
petty things — his well- cut beard, the correctness of 
his dress, the whiteness of his teeth, his proper de- 
portment — ^until one almost expects to read, as he 
turns the page, that his hair was never parted awry 
and that he never ate with his knife. The only 
trace of shortcoming in him which one diligent 
reader of the accounts of him has been able to dis- 
cover, is that he sometimes slept in church, if the 
sermon was dull. Such abnormal absence of defect 
becomes depressing: one longs for the discovery of 
a fault to redeem to humanity a hero so flawless. 
We can admire but hardly sympathize with a 
character entire and perfect. 

Grant, on the other hand, always homely and 
unimpressive, discredited by his ante-bellum record, 
^Lowell, Letters, I., 344 (April 13, 1865). 


informal to the point of negligence about all details 
of dress and manner, yet withal simple, intrepid, 
honest, with an eye single to the great purpose which 
he had adopted — here is a character that can be 
embraced ; he has roughness upon which the human 
heart can take hold — worth most substantial, but 
with a foil of limitation that makes him a man 
among men. 

Both men rank among the great soldiers of the 
world. The best judgment seems to decide that 
Lee constantly grew, being never greater than in 
his final campaigns, which are faultless examples 
of baffling a great power with small resources. In 
Grant's record, the masterpiece is undoubtedly the 
capture of Vicksburg. And yet where shall we 
parallel the relentless force of will with which, in 
1864, he, a man of gentle and humane nature, 
smote with his flesh and blood hammer, believing 
it to be the only way to success, and even hardened 
his heart towards Andersonville, determined to se- 
cure by whatever sacrifice the salvation of his 

Abraham Lincoln was close at hand, at City 
Point, when Richmond fell and the troops of the 
Union took possession. In company with Admiral 
Porter and a few officers, guarded by ten sailors 
from the fleet, he landed from a barge near Libby 
Prison and went on foot to the centre of the town. 
It was by no means a triumphant march. To such 
of the population as he encountered, mostly negroes, 


his bearing was friendly. He consented to a meet- 
ing of the Virginia legislature, hoping they might 
withdraw their troops from Lee's army, still in the 
field, and so close the war without further blood- 
shed. Nothing came of it, but the incident is inter- 
esting as showing Lincoln's continued determination 
to allow the seceding states, after once submitting 
under proper guarantees, to have a voice in the 
settlement. This action of the president displeased 
many earnest men, Stanton remonstrating in the 
cabinet, and the committee on the conduct of the 
war, through its chairman, Wade, protesting with 

Lincoln returned to Washington, where, during 
the forenoon of April 9, was received the news of 
Lee*s surrender. On the evening of Tuesday, April 
II, he made to a company gathered at the White 
House his last public address. Aside from the in- 
terest arising from this fact, the address is in itself 
noteworthy as a clear description of the course he 
proposed to follow in reconstruction, and as a par- 
ticularly good illustration of his calm, lucid wisdom. 

The seceding states, being now fixed within the 
Union by the success of the Federal arms, the presi- 
dent thought it idle to dispute as to whether they 
had been brought back from without into the Union, 
or had never been out of it. As to Louisiana, he 
said: ''The amount of constituency, so to speak, 
on which the new Louisiana government rests, 
' Julian, Political Recollections, 254. 


would be more satisfactory to all if it contained 
fifty thousand, or thirty thousand, or even twenty 
thousand, instead of only about twelve thousand, 
as it does. It is also unsatisfactory^ to some that 
the elective franchise is not given to the colored 
man. I would myself now prefer that it were 
conferred on the very intelligent, and on those who 
serve oui* cause as soldiers." 

Admitting that what had been done was not 
quite satisfactory, the president contended that 
the expedient way was not to reject, but to accept, 
with the hope of bettering what was imperfect. 
Summing up what had been done — the orderly 
organization of a state government, the adoption 
of a free constitution giving the benefit of public 
schools equally to blacks and whites, the ratifica- 
tion of the thirteenth amendment, the state being 
thus committed "to the many things and nearly 
all the things the nation wants," Lincoln proceeded: 
Now if we reject and spurn them we do our utmost 
to disorganize and disperse them. We, in effect, 
say to the white man : You are worthless, or worse ; 
we will neither help you nor be helped by you. To 
the blacks we say: This cup of liberty which these, 
your masters, hold to your lips, we will dash from 
you, and leave you to the chances of gathering the 

j spilled and scattered contents in some vague and 
undefined when, where, and how. If this course, 
discouraging and paralyzing both white and black, 

I has any tendency to bring Louisiana into proper 




practical relations with the Union, I have so far 
been unable to perceive it. . . . Concede that the 
new government of Louisiana is only to what it 
should be, as the egg is to the fowl, we shall sooner 
have the fowl by hatching the egg than by smash- 
ing it." 

What had been said of Louisiana, Lincoln urged 
in concluding the topic, would apply generally to 
other states. And yet since the situation in each 
state must be in some ways peculiar, no conclusive 
and inflexible plan could safely be prescribed as to 
details and collaterals. Such an exclusive and in- 
flexible plan would surely become a new entangle- 
ment, although important principles may and must 
be inflexible. 

The 14th of April was Good-Friday, but was a 
day of happiness rather than sadness. It was the 
fourth anniversary of the surrender of Fort Sum- 
ter, in 1 861, and there was particular fitness in 
rejoicing on that day over the changed condition of 
affairs. The country universally was in a thanks- 
giving mood: even at the South, peace, accom- 
panied though it was by defeat, seemed the great- 
est blessing. At Fort Sumter, in particular, the 
ceremonies were elaborate. A great company pro- 
ceeded thither from the North: an oration was 
delivered within the fortress by Henry Ward 
Beecher, and after a prayer by the very chaplain 
who four years before had prayed upon the same 
spot, General Robert Anderson hoisted upon the 


flag-staff the very national flag which had been 
hauled down at the surrender. 

At Washington a cabraet meeting took place in 
which, among other things, a measure was proposed 
somewhat careless in its terms as regards the rights 
of states: the president made known his wish that 
the just rights of states should be carefully upheld/ 

General Grant, being in the city, was invited to 
accompany Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln that night to 
Ford's Theatre, to a performance of ''Our American 
Cousin." Grant, having planned to visit his chil- 
dren at school, declined, in that way perhaps saving 
his life.^ Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln drove in the evening 
to the theatre on Tenth Street, between E and F 
streets, accompanied only by two young friends. 
About ten o'clock John Wilkes Booth, an actor of 
some popularity, son and brother of much more 
famous men, a fanatical secessionist, forced his 
way into the box and shot the president from a 
point close at hand, making his escape across the 
stage. About the same time a confederate attacked 
Mr. Seward in his bed, to which the secretary was 
confined from the effects of a serious accident a 
few days before. Seward, though dangerously 
wounded, recovered. Lincoln, however, having been 
carried across the street to a bed, sank rapidly. 
I The ball had traversed his brain: on the morning 
of April 1 5 he died. 

* Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, X,, 282. 
'Grant, Personal Memoirs, IL, 357. 




The expression of grief and horror throughout 
the civilized world was almost universal. Many 
who had ridiculed and denounced were among the 
sincerest mourners. Said Stanton, weeping at his 
bedside: ''Now he belongs to the ages!" Nor was 
the South backward in evidence of sorrow. Some 
of her wiser men felt from the first, that however 
sore the calamity might be for others, the South 
was especially smitten. 

It is the conviction of the people of the United 
States of America, based upon facts which the pres- 
ent record attempts to set forth, that the Union 
could not have been preserved without the patience, 
resolution, judgment, and devotedness of Abraham 
Lincoln. If so much as this can be justly said, per- 
haps no one among the sons of men has better served 
his kind. 

The victims of the Civil War, among whom 
Abraham Lincoln was the most illustrious, num- 
bered on the Union side fully three hundred and 
sixty thousand, counting only those who died in 
the field through casualties and disease; the war 
brought death to as many more perhaps, through 
causes less direct. As to the South, the account 
cannot be definitely rendered, but probably would 
not be much less. The death-list therefore runs 
beyond the million mark,^ while of men surviving 
but disabled by wounds or disease, no definite es- 
timate can be made. Rhodes judges $4,750,000,000 
* Livermore, Numbers and Losses, 1-63. 


to be a fair estimate of what the war cost the 
North, whereas $3,000,000,000 would have been 
generous purchase money for the four milHon slaves 
before the war began. The United States won a po- 
sition ' ' in the first rank among military nations " ; ^ 
and to support the proposition that it is a good 
thing for a nation to be capable of fighting hard 
upon occasion, Rhodes quotes Francis Parkman : 

''Since the world began, no nation has ever risen 
to a commanding eminence which has not, at some 
period of its history, been redoubtable in war. 
And in every well-balanced development of nations, 
as of individuals, the warlike instinct and the mili- 
tary point of honor are not repressed and extin- 
guished, but refined and civilized. It belongs to 
the pedagogue, not the philosopher, to declaim 
against them as relics of barbarism." ^ This opinion 
we may accept though recognizing the hatefulness 
of war; and, though sorrowing, also that of Sir 
Charles Lyell, that the result of the Civil War is 
worth all it cost in blood and treasure.^ The rescued 
Union at the present moment holds within its forty- 
six states a population close upon a hundred millions. 
To form that population, into a strong Anglo-Saxon 
stock blood has been infused from many of the 
better breeds of men. The life of this great people 
is regulated according to the best polity which has 

^ Livermore, Numbers and Losses, 77. 
2 Rhodes, United States, V., 188. 
^ Mrs. Lyell, Sir C. Lyell, II., 399. 

VOL. XXI. — 20 


been developed in the long evolution of the human 
race;^ the appliances of the highest civilization are 
scattered abroad in it; a patriotism which has 
become a passion characterizes its citizens. Through 
the lives and the resources poured out in the war, 
it was secured that there should be one nation, not 
a jarring neighborhood of rival powers, with mutual 
jealousies, with conflicting interests, with delicate 
questions as to the balance of powder, occuring and 
again recurring, and only to be settled in the midst 
of confusion and slaughter. The war settled not 
only that the Union should persist, but that its 
corner-stone should be freedom. Among the na- 
tions of the earth, there is not one whose foundations 
seem more stable, a stability which North and South 
are equally anxious to maintain. 

* Ho.smer, Short History of Anglo-Saxon Freedom. 

'HIS chapter continues and supplements the similar 

chapter at the end of the preceding volume of this 

series, James K. Hosmer, The Appeal to Arms. Many 
of the works here noticed will be cited also in the succeed- 
ing volume, W. A. Dunning, Reconstrviction, Political and 
Economic. Selecting from many thousands of works, we 
mention first the most useful secondary publications. 

Of books heretofore listed but not evalued : W. C. Bryant 
and S. H. Gay, Popular History of the United States (2d ed., 
5 vols., 1896), IV., 435-600, a work of good character, 
though Bryant had no hand in the authorship; Rossiter 
Johnson, Short History of the War (1888); J. N. Lamed, 
History for Ready Reference (6 vols., 1901), III., 529-675, 
a body of excellent material made easily accessible ; James 
Ford Rhodes, History of the United States from the Com- 
promise of 1850 (7 vols., 1893-1906), III.-V., of the highest 
authority; for strictures on some portions, see C. F. Adams, 
Some Phases of the Civil War (1905); James Schouler, 
History of the United States under the Constitution (6 vols., 
rev. ed., 1899), VI., comprehensive and well studied; 
Goldwin Smith, History of United States (1893), from the 
point of view of an extremely able and fair-minded Eng- 
lishman; Woodrow Wilson, History of the American People 
(5 vols,, 1902), IV., 145-312, a well-proportioned and 
scholarly summary. 




Adam Badeau, Military History of Grant (3 vols., 1868- 
1881), an elaborate technical work by an officer closely- 
attached to Grant; John M. Botts, Great Rebellion (1866), 
the work of a Virginian who remained loyal to the Union; 
John W. Burgess, The Civil War and the Constitution (2 vols., 
1901), by a student of political science; J. M. Callahan, 
Diplomatic History of the Southern Confederacy (1901), 
the subject well studied though clumsily presented; S. S. 
Cox, Three Decades (1865), by an able Democratic politician ; 
Theodore A. Dodge, Bird' s-Eye View of the Civil War (1897), 
the straightforward account of a scientific soldier helped out 
by simple but sufficient maps; John W. Draper, History of 
the Civil War (3 vols., 1867), useful but written too near the 
time to have proper perspective ; which may be said also of 
E. A. Duyckinck, History of the Civil War (3 vols,, no date) ; 
C. A. Evans, editor, Confederate History (12 vols., 1899), a 
collection of accounts by southern writers edited by a mer- 
itorious soldier; John Fiske, Mississippi Valley in the Civil 
War (1900), well studied and attractively presented; J. 
Fitch, Annals of the Army of the Cumberland (1863); J. R. 
Giddings, History of the Rebellion (1864), treats the subject 
incompletely from the point of view of a strong abolitionist ; 
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict (2 vols., 1864-1866), 
vol. II. occupied by an account of the Civil War, full of 
information and marked by the writer's excellences and 
defects; Harper's Pictorial History of the Rebellion (2 vols., 
1868), made up both in text and in illustrations from 
Harper's Weekly, which portrays most graphically events 
and characters throughout the four years; J. T. Headley, 
The Great Rebellion (2 vols., 1866), popular and partisan; 
Rossiter Johnson, Story of a Great Conflict (1894), a use- 
ful resume; Frank Leslie's Weekly, the rival of Harper's 
Weekly, as a pictorial record; John A. Logan, The Great 
Conspiracy (1886), from the point of view of a War Dem- 
ocrat who figured both in field and forum; B. J. Lossing, 
Pictorial History of the Civil War (3 vols., 186 6- 1869), espe- 

1865] AUTHORITIES 309 

cially valuable for its illustrations; Asa Mahan, Critical 
History of the Late War (1877), not conspicuous; J. G. 
Nicolay, "The Civil War, 1861-1865 " (in Cambridge Modern 
History, VII., 443-548, 1903); J. G. Nicolay, "The North 
During the War, 1861-1865 " (Ibid., 568-602) — careful sum- 
maries by one of the best-informed of Civil War authorities; 
Louis Philippe Albert d'Orleans, Comte de Paris, History 
of the Civil War in America (transl., 4 vols., 1875-1888), an 
imfinished account in detail of military events by a French 
nobleman, an accomplished soldier who served in the Army 
of the Potomac, of high authority; E. A. Pollard, The 
Lost Cause (1867), a Richmond editor, brilliant, very 
unfriendly to Jefferson Davis, writes a book not to be 
neglected; J. C. Reed, The Brothers* War (1905); J, C. 
Schwab, "The South During the War, 1861-1865" (in 
Cambridge Modern History, VII., 603-621, 1903), a resume 
by a writer distinguished in the field of economics ; William 
Swinton, Campaigns of the Army of the Potomac (1882), also, 
Twelve Decisive Battles of the War (1867), graphic pictures, 
but less relied upon than once; T. B. Van Home, History of 
the Army of the Cumberland (2 vols., 1875), by a chaplain 
who made the campaigns; O. J. Victor, History of the South- 
ern Rebellion (4 vols., 1868), superseded by later and better 
compilations; Woodrow Wilson, Division and Reunion 
(1879), brief discussion by a philosophical historian. 


English. — H. C. Fletcher, History of the Civil War in 
America (3 vols., 1865), detailed and intelligent; Percy 
Greg, History of the United States from the Foundation of 
Virginia to the Reconstruction of the Union (2 vols., 1887), 
abounds in errors; vol. II. largely taken up with an account 
of the Civil War, hostile to the North; W. B. Wood and 
J. E. Edmonds, History of the Civil War in the United States 
(1905), a careful study by British officers designed especially 
for students of the Staff College. 

French. — E. C. Grasset, La Guerre de la Secession (2 vols., 


1886); E. R. L. Laboulaye, Pourquoi le Nord ne pent 
accepter la Separation (1863), an able presentation of the 
northern case; F. Lecomte, La Guerre de la Secession (3 
vols., 1866-1867) ; Louis Philippe d'Orleans, Comte de Paris, 
Histoire de la Guerre Civile en Amerique (7 vols., with atlas, 
1 874-1 890), the translation is elsewhjere mentioned and 
characterized; Philippe Regis, Baron de Trobriand, Quatre 
Ans de Campagnes a Varmee du Potomac (1867), narrates 
the service of a brave Franco- American. 

German. — H. Blankenburg, Die innern Kaempfe der 
N ordamerikanischen Union (1869); Luecke, Der 

Buergerkrieg der Vereinigten Staaten (1892) ; J. A. Scheibert, 
Der Amerikanische Buergerkrieg (1874) ; E. R. Schmidt, Der 
Amerikanische Buergerkrieg (1867). 


The following books may be consulted, table of contents 
and index in each case affording the necessary guidance. 

The Northern Side. — G. S. Boutwell, Constitution of 
the United States at the End of the First Century (1895) ; A. 
G. Fisher, Trial of the Constitution (1862); John C. Hurd, 
The Union-State (1890), philosophical and erudite; Judson 
S. Landon, The Constitutional History and Government of 
the United States (3d ed., 1905); John J. Lalor, Cyclopcedia 
of Political Science (3 vols., 1881), trustworthy discussions 
of many topics in large part by Alexander Johnston ; these 
valuable articles have been republished under the editor- 
ship of James A. Woodbum under the title of American 
Political History, lydj-iSyd (2 vols., 1905); E. McClain, 
Constitutional Law in the United States (1905) ; Joel Parker, 
Constitutional Law with Reference to the Present Condition 
of the United States (1862), by the eminent head of the 
Harvard Law School, who had no heart for the struggle; 
J.N. Pomeroy, Introduction to the Constitutional Law of the 
United States (1868); Joseph Story, Commentaries on the 
Constitution of the United States (4th ed., by Thomas M. 
Cooley, 1880), of the highest authority; Joel Tiffany, 


Treatise on Government (1867); H. E. Von Hoist, Constitu- 
tional History of the United States (transl. by Lalor, Mason, 
and Shorey, 8 vols., 187 6- 1892), much deferred to; William 
Whiting, War Powers of the Government (1864) ; Henry Wil- 
son, Political Measures of the United States Congress (1866). 

The Southern Side. — P. C. Centz (pseudonym for 
Bernard J. Sage), Republic of Republics (1880), best brief 
presentation of the southern view; J. L. M. Curry, Civil 
History of the Confederate Government (1901), by a respected 
statesman and educator; R, L. Dabne^T-, Defence of Virginia 
(1867); Jefferson Davis, Rise and Fall of the Confederate 
Government (2 vols., 1881), detailed, restrained, reticent of 
animosities felt towards critics at home and enemies out- 
side, but marked by faulty judgment; Alexander H. 
Stephens, Constitutional View of the Late War between the 
States (2 vols., 1868-1870), a defence of the South by one of 
the best heads of the Confederacy; James Williams, The 
South Vindicated (1862). 


Montague Bernard, Historical Account of the Netitrality 
of Great Britain (1870) ; John Bigelow, France and the Con- 
federate Navy (1888); Tr avers Twiss, Law of Nations Con- 
sidered as Independent Political Communities (2 vols., 1875) ; 
Francis M. Wharton, Digest of International Law of United 
States (1886); Henry Wheaton, Elements of International 
Law (1892); Theodore Woolsey, International Law (1901). 


Horace Binney, Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus 
(1865); RoUin C. Hurd, Treatise on Habeas Corpus (1858); 
John A. Marshall, American Bastile (1869). Very helpful 
are the biographies of Lincoln, Seward, Chase, and Stanton. 


T. W. Higginson, Army Life in a Black Regiment (1882); 
M. G. McDougal, Fugitive Slaves (Radcliffe Monographs, 


1 891); Mary Tremaine, Slavery in the District of Columbia 
(1892); G. W. Williams, History of the Negro Troops in the 
War of the Rebellion (1888); Henry Wilson, Rise and Fall 
of the Slave Power in America (3 vols., 1872-1877). 


H. C. Adams, Ptiblic Debts (1893); A. S. Bolles, Financial 
History (3 vols., 1885); Davis R. Dewey, Financial History 
of the United States (1903), an excellent authority; John J. 
Knox, American Notes, sl history of the various issues of 
paper money of the United States (1899); J. C. Schwab, 
Confederate States of America, Financial and Industrial 
(1901), well studied and presented; C. J. Stille, How a Free 
People Conduct a Long War (1863); W. G. Sumner, Ameri- 
can Currency (1874); F. W. Taussig, History of the Tariff 

(1885) ; Horace White, Money and Banking, i866~i8j4 
(1903); Edward Stanwood, American Tariff Controversies . 
in the Nineteenth Century (2 vols., 1903). 


C. C. Beaman, National and Private Alabama Claims 
(1871); C. B. Boynton, History of the Navy during the 
Rebellion (1868); James D, Bulloch, Secret Service of the 
Confederate States in Europe (2 vols., 1884), an efficient 
agent's well-told story; C. E. Hunt, The Shenandoah (1867) ; 
E. S. Maclay, History of the United States Navy (2 vols., 
1894); David D. Porter, Naval History of the Civil War 

(1886) ; A. Roberts, Never Caught (1867), blockade run- 
ning; J. Thomas Scharf, History of the Confederate States 
Navy (1894); Raphael Semmes, Service Afloat (1887), a 
record by the captain of the Alabama of the destruction 
of American commerce; Arthur Sinclair, Two Years in the 
''Alabama'* (1895); John Wilkinson, Narrative of a Block- 
ade Runner (1877); H. W. Wilson, Iron-Clads in Action 


1865] AUTHORITIES 313 


W. F. Fox, Regimental Losses in the American Civil War 
(1889); G. F, R. Henderson, The Science of War (1905), 
chaps, viii.-xii., very important criticism by a scientific 
soldier; Thomas L. Livermore, Numbers and Losses of the 
Civil War in America (1901), the best authority on that 
subject; Frederick Phisterer, Statistical Record of the Army 
of the United States (1883); Robert C. Wood, The Con- 
federate Hand-Book (1900). Semi-official in character are, 
G. W. Cullum, Biographical Register of the U. S. Military 
Academy at West Point (rev. ed., 4 vols., 1891-1901), and 
J. H. S. Hamersly, Complete Regular Army Register (1880), 
and General Register of the U. S. Navy and Marine Corps 
(1882) combined in Complete Army and Navy Register, 1776 
to 1887 (1888). General Cullum's work has particular 
value as giving a minute and accurate record of the sta- 
tions held by each West Point graduate ; but in using it it 
mxust be remembered that in the case of Confederates the 
record ceases at the date when they gave up their allegiance 
to the Union. 


Northern. — W. F. Allen, C. E. Ware, Lucy M. Garrison, 
compilers, Slave Songs of the United States (1867), with 
scholarly introduction by Professor Allen; Ledyard Bell, 
compiler, Pen Pictures of the Civil War, Lyrics, etc. (1866); 
George H. Boker, Poems of the War (1864), productions of 
merit; H. H. Brownell, War Lyrics and Other Poems (1866); 
by a man of genius who saw service in the navy; Frances 
J. Child, War Lyrics for Freemen (1862), interesting work 
by the patriotic Harvard professor of English ; Copperhead 
Minstrel, a Choice Collection of Democratic Poems and Songs 
(1867) ; The Drum-Beat, songs with piano-forte accompani- 
ment (1865); A. J. H. Duganne, Ballads of the War (1862); 
J. Henry Hayward, editor, Poetical Pen Pictures of the War, 
Selected from our Union Poets (1864); Frank Moore, editor. 
Lyrics of Loyalty (1864); Selection of War Lyrics, with 


illustrations on wood by F. O. C. Darley (1864); Soldiers* 
and Sailors' Patriotic Songs and Hymns (1864) ; Trumpet of 
Freedom (1864), martial part songs; War Ballads published 
during the United States War of the Rebellion, sl collection of 
two hundred and eighteen broadsides containing songs, 
lyrics, and hymns, in Boston Public Library. 

Southern. — F. D. Allan, compiler, A Collection of South- 
ern Patriotic Songs, made during Confederate Times (1874); 
W. L. Fagan, Southern War Songs (i8go, illustrated); The 
Jack Morgan Songster, compiled by a Captain in General 
Lee's Army (1864); Emily W. Mason, compiler. The South- 
ern Poems of the War (1869); Frank Moore, Rebel Rhymes 
and Rhapsodies (1864); W. Gilmore Simms, editor. War 
Poetry of the South (1866); War Lyrics and Songs of the 
South (London, Spottiswoode & Co., 1866); selection of 
one hundred and eighty - one secession songs and poems, 
of various dates, broadsides, in Boston Public Library; 
H. M. Wharton, editor, War Songs and Poems of the South- 
ern Confederacy (1904). 

For southern music, consult W. R. Whittlesey, List of 
Music of the South, 1860-1864 (Library of Congress, in 

North and South. — F. F. Browne, editor, Bugle Echoes, 
a Collection of Poems of the Civil War, Northern and Southern 
(1866); George Cary Eggleston, editor, American War 
Ballads (2 vols., 1889), a collection general in character, but 
largely made up of Civil War poetry ; Richard Grant White, 
editor. Poetry Literary, Narrative, and Satirical, of the Civil 
War (1866); H. L. Williams, editor. War Songs of the Blue 
and Gray, as Sung by the Brave Soldiers of the Union and 
Confederate Armies (1905); each volume of Frank Moore's 
Rebellion Record contains a profuse compilation of the war 
poetry of the year. 


The War of the Rebellion, A Compilation of the Records 
of the Union and Confederate Armies, a work of vast dimen- 
sions carried through with great thoroughness and skill, 

1865] AUTHORITIES 315 

was begun before the end of the war, but long hampered 
through want of means, till a general pressure from all 
sections of the cotmtry caused Congress to provide for it. 
A War Records Office was created and placed under the 
direction of Adjutant-General E. D. Townsend, in 1877. 
Officers of the army, Lieutenant-Colonel R. N. Scott, 
Lieutenant-Colonel H. M. Lazelle, Major G. W. Davis, 
Major George B. Davis, judge-advocate of the United States 
army, and General F. C. Ainsworth, together with two civil- 
ian experts, Leslie J. Perry and Joseph W. Kirtly, worked 
diligently for many years, with the result that an enormous 
body of interesting documents has been put into a shape 
permanent and easily accessible. As regards the Federal 
records, much care for their preservation was taken from 
the very beginning of the war. Efforts were constantly 
made also to supplement these by papers collected from 
individual participants in the struggle. 

The Confederate records underwent greater risks. That 
they were in great part preserved in spite of all is especially 
due to General Samuel Cooper (adjutant and inspector- 
general C. S. A.), who, at the fall of Richmond in April, 
1865, fleeing southward with Jefferson Davis, had in his 
charge the dociunents of the Confederate government. 
All these he delivered over to the United States for pres- 
ervation upon his capture by Sherman at Charlotte, North 
Carolina. The collection thus preserved was greatly in- 
creased by the efforts of General Marcus J. Wright, C. S. A., 
who, now in the service of the United States, spent years 
in an indefatigable search among the survivors of the "lost 
cause " for papers that might be of value. 

The result of all this labor is summed up substantially 
as follows, in a document recently issued under authority 
of the secretary of war: 

The official records of the Union and Confederate 
armies consist of four series, an atlas, and a general index, 
namely : 

[A] Series I. — Embraces the formal reports, both Union 
and Confederate, of the first seizures of United States 


property in the southern states, and of all military opera- 
tions in the field, with the correspondence, orders, and 
returns relating specially thereto, accompanied by an atlas. 
It consists of vols.^I. to LIII., comprising one hundred 
and eleven books, many of the volumes being in parts, 
each part a book. (Serial Nos. i-iii.) 

[B] Series 11. — Contains the correspondence, orders, re- 
ports, and returns, Union and Confederate, relating to 
prisoners of war and (so far as the military authorities were 
concerned) to state and political prisoners. It consists of 
eight books, designated as vols. I. to VIII. (or Serial Nos. 
114 to 121). 

[C] Series III. — Contains the correspondence, orders, re- 
ports, and returns of the Union authorities (em.bracing 
their correspondence with the Confederate officials) not 
relating specially to the subjects of the first and second 
series. It sets forth the annual and special reports of 
the secretary of war, of the general-in-chief, and of the 
chiefs of the several staff-corps and departments, the call 
for troops, and the correspondence between the national 
and several state authorities. This series consists of five 
books, numbered as vols. I. to V. (or Serial Nos. 122 
to 126). 

[D] Series IV. — Exhibits the correspondence, orders, re- 
ports, and returns of the Confederate authorities with 
regard to the same subjects as those embraced in the 
third series. It consists of three books, designated as 
vols. I. to III. (or Serial Nos. 127 to 129). 

[E] The Atlas. — Contains 178 plates, consisting of several 
hundred maps of battle-fields of the war, routes of march 
of the armies, plans of forts, etc., and a number of photo- 
graphic views of prominent scenes, places, and objects. 

[FJ In the preparation of the War Records the convenience 
of the reader has been carefully consulted: each volume 
is separately indexed, prefaced by a synopsis of events, 
and by a table giving not only its own contents, but those 
of all preceding volumes in the series. 

A general index to the entire work, together with an 



appendix containing additions and corrections of errors 
discovered in the several volumes after publication, con- 
sists of one book, bearing only the serial number 130. 

Series I., II., III., IV., the General Index, and the Atlas, 
have been published, with the exception of vols. LIV. and 
LV., and comprise 128 books exclusive of the Atlas. 

LIV. and LV. (Serial Nos. 112 and 113) are reserved 
for volumes to contain such additional matter as it may 
be decided to publish in future, but they will not be issued 
unless sufficient material to justify their publication shall 
be secured. Therefore, as the publication now stands, 
Series I. ends with vol. LIII. (Serial No. iii), and Series 
II, begins with vol. I. (Serial No. 114). 

This great body of docimients is well declared by Gen- 
eral Cox, probably the best authority, to be by far the 
most important source concerned with the Civil War, "a. 
wonderful collection of historical material full of personal 
life, as well as of formal documentary evidence." The 
material, indeed, must be used with care : honest mistakes 
are always inevitable ; papers, too, occur in which superior 
officers declare the reports of subordinates to be false and 
worthless — attempts to gloss over failure in the perform- 
ance of duty, or to arrogate credit which does not belong 
to them. As regards the leaders, the value of what they 
have written is sometimes discounted from the fact that 
the writers now seek to screen themselves from the conse- 
quence of failure, now claim as their own honors which 
they have not won, now allow their personal prejudices 
and animosities to warp their statements. "Alas for his- 
tory when made up from official reports!" exclaims Gen- 
eral George H. Gordon in his From Brook Farm to Cedar 
Mountain (249 note), in wrath over a report of his corps 
commander. The reader must always bear in mind that 
these agents in the great conflict were very human instru- 
ments, whose imperfections inhere in the records they leave. 
But the careful seeker can usually get at the truth. The 
statements of rivals and enemies standing on pages near at 
\ hand, can be set over against each other. The untruth of 


the subordinate will be exposed in the relation of the com- 
mander; and, on the other hand, the error of the com- 
mander will be revealed in the accounts of his brigadiers 
and colonels. In great part the mistakes and untruths 
can be detected by striking a balance within the material 
contained in the war records themselves. But, of course, 
the scrupulous investigator will check what he here derives 
by what may be found in the unofficial records, the vast 
bodjT" of memoirs, reminiscences, discussions, memoranda 
of every kind, with which the press has teemed since the 
conflict began. 

The world will no doubt coincide in the judgment of 
General Cox, that while all has a value, the more formal 
documents yield in interest to the terse, hurried despatches 
and telegrams dictated among the harassments of a cam- 
paign or amid the fire of battle — breathless utterances, as 
it were, that bring one into the very smoke and flashing 
of the engagement. 

In 1894, under authority of the secretary of the navy, 
was begun the publication of the Official Records of the 
Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebellion, 
under supervision of Lieutenant-Commander Richard Rush 
and Mr. Robert H. Woods. The plan followed is the 
same as that of the army records, nineteen volumes hav- 
ing appeared up to the present time. 

The Medical and Surgical History of the War of the 
Rebellion, undertaken in 1870 under the supervision of 
Surgeon - General J. K. Barnes, and finished in 1888, is 
comprised within six quarto volumes profusely illustrated, 
three of which, with a supplement, are medical, and three 
are surgical. It is technical in character, and bears the 
highest reputation as a scientific work. 

The important Joint Committee on the Condttct of the 
War, appointed in 1861, made successive reports, those 
up to 1863 comprised in three parts, each part occupying 
a volume; the succeeding ones also in three parts, with 
two supplementary volumes. These records possess grfeat 
interest, particularly the portions devoted to testimony. 

1865] AUTHORITIES 319 

With regard to many important events of the war the 
principal actors and their subordinates gave evidence, 
often imder rigorous cross-examination. Thus many facts 
were brought out which otherwise might not have been 
in evidence. 


Northern. — In a great number of the documents pub- 
lished by the legislative, executive, and judicial branches 
of the government during the years 1861 to 1865 (the 
years of the administration of Abraham Lincoln and of 
the thirty-seventh and thirty-eighth Congresses), the in- 
fluence of the Civil War is revealed. The nation's strug- 
gle for existence, indeed, subordinates all else, and the 
activity of the civil departments, as well as of the military, 
is heavily shadowed by the ever-present crisis. For the 
Federal side the records are complete. The daily debates 
of both Senate and House in the thirty-seventh and thirty- 
eighth Congresses are preserved in the Congressional Globe; 
the texts of all statutes and resolutions passed are in the 
Statutes at Large; the work of the various civil divisions of 
the administration (state department, treasury, war, navy, 
interior, post-office), in the Executive Documents relating 
respectively to those divisions. The records of the Federal 
supreme court were kept up from term to term. The 
decrees of the district and circuit courts have recently been 
gathered into a private publication known as Federal Cases. 
See A. B. Hart, Foundations of American Foreign Policy, 
275 et seq. (1901), for an account of the published decisions 
of the Federal courts, supreme, circuit, and district. 

Southern. — The civil records of the Confederacy have 
been less perfectly available. The government is publish- 
ing at the present moment (1906) the Journals of the Con- 
federate Congress, that of the Senate being already complete. 
The Confederate Statutes at Large (excepting perhaps the 
acts of the closing session of Congress) were printed at the 
time. James D. Richardson, in Messages and Papers of the 
Confederacy (2 vols., Nashville, 1905), gives a selection of 



the manifestoes of the Montgomery and Richmond govern- 
ments, but the number is not large; the only approach to a 
full collection of such documents is in the war department 
at Washington. Exactly how much has escaped destruc- 
tion cannot yet be told. The remnant is fragmentary, nor 
are adequate lists available of the things preserved. But 
see H. A. Morrison, List of Confederate Documents and of 
Books published in the Confederacy (in preparation in the 
Library of Congress) , which will go far to supply the lack. 


Respecting the individual states both of the North and 
South, there is for each one, during the years 1861 to 
1865, both a military and a civil series of records; and 
as in the case of the documents of the central governments, 
so here, the struggle impresses itself on the civil records 
as well as on those especially devoted to the war. Here 
too, as regards the South, gaps occur, while the northern 
states, better situated, show completeness. In this class, 
of most interest through time to come, will be the reports 
of the adjutant-generals, containing the regimental rosters. 


Almost as interesting and important as the official 
documents is the mass of material not published by the 
government, coming from participants in, or eye-witnesses 
of, the events described. The posts of the Loyal Legion, 
Grand Army of the Republic, Confederate Veterans, and 
various other societies of survivors, have printed, to a 
large extent, the papers read before them, officers and 
private soldiers thus putting on record their reminiscences. 
Histories of corps, divisions, brigades, regiments, batteries, 
are numerous, but, of course, differ much in value. The 
publications of the Military Historical Society of Massa- 
chusetts, comprising ten volumes and still in progress, 
have especial value, containing besides the contributions 
of accomplished officers, papers by such critics as John C. 
Ropes, founder of the society. Albert Bushnell Hart, Amer- 



ican History told by Contemporaries (4 vols., 1 897-1 901), 
contains in vol. IV. numerous extracts from sources on 
military and civil affairs. The Battles and Leaders of the 
Civil War (4 vols., 1888), made up of papers of soldiers 
of high and low station. North and South, beautifully 
illustrated by maps and pictures, is pronounced by G. F. R. 
Henderson to be one of the most important military au- 
thorities ever published. Frank Moore (editor), Rebellion 
Record (13 vols., beginning with the year 1861), preserves 
ephemeral utterances of the war-time, compiled from 
newspapers, pamphlets, popular manifestoes of all kinds. 
Each volume contains a compilation of songs and ballads 
of the period: the collections of official reports are super- 
seded by the fuller and more accurate publications of the 
government. Appleton's Annual Cyclopcsdia (beginning 
1 86 1, edited by W. T. Tenney), is an admirable digest, 
made at the moment from contemporary accounts of 
events; Campaigns of the Civil War (13 vols., 1 881-1890), 
published by Scribners, are monographs, usually by par- 
ticipating generals, and are of high authority: Great Com- 
manders (1892), a series edited by General J. G. Wilson, 
comprises biographies of soldiers, North and South, by 
competent hands; The American Statesmen series, Hough- 
ton, Mifflin & Co., publishers, comprises several biographies 
of Civil War figures — Lincoln, Chase, Seward, Sumner, C. 
F. Adams, Thaddeus Stevens — which cannot be passed over; 
The American Commonwealth series, Houghton, Mifflin & 
Co., publishers, still in progress, offers in each volume 
chapters concerned with the relations of the state to the 
war. The following volumes have appeared: California, 
Connecticut, Indiana, Kansas, Kentucky, Maryland, Mich- 
igan, Missouri, New Hampshire, New York, Ohio, Rhode 
Island, Texas, Vermont, Virginia. 


By writers in intimate relations with their subjects, or by 
the subjects themselves, the following have especial value : 

VOL. XXI. 21 


Northern Combatants. — B. P. Poore, Ambrose E. 
Burnside (1882); Benjamin F. Butler, Butler's Book (1892), 
racy with the peculiarities of its author; J. D. Cox, 
Military Reminiscences (2 vols., 1900), one of the very 
best records ; M. Dix, John A. Dix (2 vols., 1883), a 
high-minded War Democrat; Loyall Farragut, David G. 
Farragut (1879); also Farragut, by A. T. Mahan (1892), a 
work of especial value ; J. M. Hoppin, Life of Admiral Foote 
(1874), a man of brave religious spirit; Ulysses S. Grant, 
Personal Memoirs (2 vols., 1895), of the first importance 
as a source, and very charming as revealing a simple and 
honest personality; also Grant, by Badeau, Brooks, Church, 
Dana, and Wilson, Garland, Knox, and Porter; F. A. Walker, 
W. S. Hancock (1894), a great soldier portrayed by a writer 
unusually accomplished, closely connected with him; also 
Hancock, by his wife (1887) ; Herman Haupt, Reminiscences 
(1901), the story of an eminent military engineer; W. B. 
Hazen, Narrative of Military Service (1885), a good general of 
division in the western army; J, Warren Keifer, Slavery and 
Four Years of War (1900), a soldier of long and wide experi- 
ence who later became speaker of the House ; R. M. Bache, 
George Gordon Meade (1897), appreciations of a much-tried 
and faithful soldier; also Meade, by I. R. Pennypacker (1901) ; 
M. Cavanagh, Memoir of T. F. Meagher (1892), an Irish 
patriot who took service for the Union; Whitelaw Reid, 
Ohio in the War (1868), by a newspaper correspondent 
famous later as editor and diplomatist; John M. Palmer, 
Personal Reminiscences (1901), the record of a good citizen 
and soldier; J. M. Schofield, Forty-six Years in the Army 
(1897), memoirs of a teacher who became a general, record- 
ing valiant service, but disputatious; Philip H. Sheridan, 
Personal Memoirs (2 vols., 1902), direct and candid, with 
unexpected touches of sensibility; William Tecumseh Sher- 
man, Memoirs (2 vols., 1886), brusque, straightforward, 
frankly confident of his own merit, concealing nothing; 
Henry Coppee, George H. Thomas (1893); also Thomas, by 
Donn Piatt and T. B. Van Home (1882) ; P. S. Michie, Life 
and Letters of Emory Upton (1885), a young soldier of great 

i865] AUTHORITIES 323 

bravery and ability; Lew Wallace, An Autobiography (2 
vols., 1906), a man of literary genius and delicate tastes, 
who for a time played a soldierly part. 

Southern Combatants. — A. Roman, Pierre G. T. 
Beauregard (2 vols., 1884), a constant and valiant cham- 
pion of the Confederacy exhaustively considered; J. A. 
Wyeth, N, B. Forrest (1899), paints the career of a sol- 
dier uninstructed but of great gifts; John B. Hood, Ad- 
vance and Retreat (1880), the self -told record of a brave 
but unfortunate leader; Joseph E. Johnston, Narrative 
of Military Operations (1874), the story of one of the 
ablest Confederate leaders, told by himself; also Johnston, 
by R. N. Hughes (1893), and by B. P. Johnson (1891); 
A. L. Long, Robert Edward Lee (1886), a work of high 
military value upon the greatest soldier of the South; also, 
Lee, by Cooke, Fitzhugh Lee, R. E. Lee, Jr., Trent, and 
White; James Longstreet, From Manassas to Appomattox 
(1903), of the highest value and interest; a so Mrs. James 
Longstreet, Lee and Longstreet at High Tide (1904); J. S. 
Mosby, War Reminiscences (1887), the most famous of bush- 
whackers; Susan P. Lee, Memoirs of General W. N. Pendle- 
ton (1893), a clergyman who became a soldier; W. M. Polk, 
Leonidas Polk (2 vols., 1893), the memoirs of a sincere and 
picturesque character; A. H. Noll, Rev. Dr. E. L. Quintard 
(1905), a Confederate chaplain who became Bishop of 
Tennessee; H. B. McClellan, /. E. B. Stuart (1885), the 
career of the cavalry leader elaborately described; Richard 
Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction (1879), an indefati- 
gable soldier presents a story with touches of sensibility 
and literary grace; Joseph Wheeler, Campaigns of Wheeler 
and His Cavalry (1899), from materials furnished by Gen- 
eral Wheeler. 


Northern Civilians. — C. F. Adams, Charles Francis 
Adams (1900), an account of our foremost diplomat by 
his son; James G. Blaine, Twenty Years in Congress (2 



vols., 1884), I., chaps, xiii.-xxvi., clear, fair to opponents, 
good-tempered, accurate; G. S. Boutwell, Reminiscences of 
Sixty Years (1902), by a worthy veteran in statesmanship; 
Albert Bushnell Hart, Salmon P. Chase (1899), restrained, 
discriminating, marked by thorough knowledge; also, 
Chase, by Schuckers, and by Warden; Mrs. C. Coleman, 
John J. Crittenden (1871); Mrs. S. F. Hughes, John M. 
Forbes (2 vols., 1899), a man without official position, 
either civil or military, but very useful; Horace Greeley, 
Recollections of a Busy Life (1868), reflecting the very 
vortex of the political cyclone ; George W. Julian, Political 
Recollections of War Time (1884), by a statesman of radical 
anti- slavery views; E. D. Keyes, Fifty Years' Observations 
(1884); John G. Nicolay and John Hay, Abraham Lincoln, 
A History (10 vols., 1890), a monumental work by Lincoln's 
private secretaries, written from the amplest knowledge by 
men of great capacity: of the utmost merit, but un discrim- 
inating in its commendation of Lincoln, who is always in 
the right, whoever else may be wrong, and not judicial in 
its attitude towards the South; also, Abraham Lincoln, by 
Arnold, Elbridge Brooks, Noah Brooks, Carpenter, Coffin, 
Dana, Hapgood, Hemdon, Lamon, Morse, Raymond, Rice, 
Rothschild, Carl Schurz, and Ida M. Tarbell; A. G. Riddle, 
Recollections of War Time (1895), good pictures of the life of 
a congressman; F. W. Seward, William H. Seward at Wash- 
ington (1891); Frederick Bancroft, Life of William H. Sew- 
ard ( 2 vols., 1900), marked by candor and careful scholar- 
ship ; also, Seward, by T. K. Lothrop ; John Sherman, Recol- 
lections of Forty Years (1895), one of the most experienced 
and meritorious of the statesmen of the period; George C. 
Gorham, Edwin M. Stanton (2 vols., 1899), an adequate 
picture of the great war secretary; also, Stanton, by F. A. 
Flower (1905); Samuel M. McCall, Thaddeus Stevens (1899), 
the leader of the House in the thirty-seventh and thirty- 
eighth Congresses, portrayed by a sympathetic hand; also, 
Stevens, by E. B. Callender (1882) ; Moorfield Storey, Charles 
Sumner (1902), the leader of the Senate in the thirty-seventh 
and thirty - eighth Congresses, symjDathetically portrayed; 


i865] AUTHORITIES 325 

also, Simmer, by E. L. Pierce (4 vols., 1877-1893); T. W. 
Barnes, Thurlow Weed (1883), an account of a figure not in 
the forefront, but exercising great influence. 

Southern Civilians. — Varina Howell Davis, Jefferson 
Davis (1890), the record of an affectionate wife; also, 
Jefferson Davis, by Alfriend and E. A. Pollard; H, D. 
Capers, Life and Times of C. G. Memminger (1893), a well- 
disposed man set to cope with impossible tasks; H. Cleve- 
land, Alexander H. Stephens (1866), a picture of perhaps 
the ablest of the Confederate statesmen; also, Stephens 
by Browne and Johnston; P. A. Stovall, Robert Toombs 
(1892); L. G. Tyler, Letters and Times of the Tylers (1884- 
1885); J. W. DuBose, Life of William L. Yancey (1892), a 
plausible statesman active in Europe as well as in America. 


Northern War Experience. — H. V. Boynton, Chatta- 
nooga and Chickamauga (1891); H. V. Boynton, Sherman's 
Historical Raid (1875), severe criticism of Sherman, judged 
unfavorably by Cox; Junius H. Browne, Fonr Years in 
Secessia (1865), a war correspondent; as is also C. C. Coffin, 
My Days and Nights on the Battle-field (1887) ; Warren Lee 
Goss, Recollections of a Private (1890) ; J. V. Hadley, Seven 
Months a Prisoner (1898) ; T. W. Higginson, editor. Harvard 
Memorial Biographies (2 vols., 1866), lives of Harvard men 
who died in the service in various positions, from that of 
general to the rank and file, written by comrades: pages 
full of pathos and heroism; J. K. Hosmer, The Thinking 
Bayonet (1865) ; A. B. Isham, Prisoners of War and Military 
Prisons (1890); C. McCarthy, Detailed Minutice of a Sol- 
dier's Life (1882) ; A. K. McClirre, Lincoln and Men of War 
Time (1892), by an active newspaper man closely associated 
with leading characters; J. McElroy, Anders onville, a Story 
of Rebel Military Prisons (1879) ; George Ward Nichols, The 
March to the Sea (1865), vivid description ; George F. Noyes, 
The Bivouac and the Battlefield (1863), has to do with cam- 
paigns in the East; Personal Narratives of Events in the 


War of the Rebellion (5 vols., 1880), by private soldiers and 
sailors, published by Rhode Island Historical Society ; George 
Alfred Townsend, Campaigns of a Non-Comhatant (1866), 
by a war correspondent; Frank Wilkeson, Recollections of 
a Private Soldier (1887), makes real the pains and priva- 

Southern War Experience. — Interesting accounts of 
experiences undergone by minor characters are : Heros 
von Borcke, Memoirs of the Confederate War for Inde- 
pendence (1866), by a German soldier of fortune in the 
army of Lee; Mrs. Mary Boykin Chesnut,. Diary from 
Dixie (1905), lively, brilliant, pathetic; John Esten Cooke, 
Wearing the Gray (1867); John Esten Cooke, Hilt to Hilt 
(187 1 ), the Shenandoah cam.paign of 1864; F. E. Daniel, 
Recollections of a Rebel Surgeon (1899) ; A. S. Dunlop, Lee's 
Sharpshooters (1899); George Cary Eggleston, A Rebel's 
Recollections (1905), a bright and entertaining' story of 
service in a subordinate station; E. S. Ellis, Camp-Fires of 
General Lee (1886); Miss Mary A. H. Gay, Life in Dixie 
during the War (1892), concerned with Atlanta and its 
neighborhood; Harry Gilmor, Four Years in the Saddle 
(1866); Miss P. A. Hague, A Blockaded Family (1888), a 
good account of plantation life in war-time; J. W. Headley, 
Confederate Operations in Canada and New York (1906), 
describes the secret machinations and attempts of Con- 
federates in the North; J. B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's 
Diary (2 vols., 1866), experiences of a Richmond official; 
Sarah L. Jones, Life in the South (1863), by a blockaded 
British subject; General Dabney H. Maury, Recollections 
of a Virginian (1894); Mrs. Judith B. McGuire, Diary of a 
Southern Refugee (1865), good pictures, especially of Rich- 
mond life in war-time; J. Scott, Partisan Life with Colonel 
J. S. Mosby (1867); Mrs. Susan Dabney Smedes, A South- 
ern Planter (1899), paints plantation life near Vicksburg; 
My Cave Life in Vicksburg by a Lady (1864), a woman's 
experience during the siege; G. M. Sorrel, Recollections of 
a Confederate Staff -Officer (1905), went through the war by 
the side of Longstreet ; R. Stiles, Four Years Under Marse 

1865] AUTHORITIES 327 

Robert (1903), record of a Yale graduate who served in 
a subordinate station; W. H. Taylor, Fotir Years with Lee 
(1878), a record of intimate association; E. L. Wells, 
Hampton and His Cavalry in 1864 {i8gg); W. Wilson, Life 
in the Confederacy (1887), by an alien; J. S, Wise, The End 
of an Era (1899), a bright youth's experience. 


Files of especial interest among the northern papers are 
those of the New York Tribune, New York Times, New 
York Herald, and New York Evening Post ; Boston Adver- 
tiser and Boston Journal ; Springfield Republican ; Chicago 
Tribune and Chicago Times ; the La Crosse Democrat 
("Brick" Pomeroy, editor); the Louisville Journal; the 
Cincinnati Times : among southern papers, the Richmond 
Whig, Richmond Examiner, and Richmond Despatch; the 
Charleston Mercury ; the New Orleans Picayvme. 


Adams, C. F., success, 252; 
bibliography, 323. 

Adams, C. F., Jr., on Sherman's 
and Sheridan's depredations, 
237. 238. 

Agassiz, Louis, in war-time, 266. 

Agriculture, southern war-time, 
58, 276; northern war-time, 
254; colleges subsidized, 257. 

Ainsworth, F. C, work on War 
Records, 315. 

Alabama, Semmes's plan of 
operation, 178; cruise, 178; 
in neutral ports, 179; num- 
ber of captures, 179; sunk, 
179; bibliography, 312. 

Albemarle, Confederate ram, 
destroyed, 172. 

Alexandria, Confederate cruiser, 

Allatoona battle, 203. 
Allison, W. B., enters Congress, 

Amendments. See Thirteenth. 

Amnesty, Lincoln's proclama- 
tion, 136. 

Anderson, Adna, supplies for 
Sherman's army, 112. 

Anderson, R. H., leaves Early, 

Anderson, Robert, raises flag 

over Sumter, 302. 
Andersonville. See Prisoners 

of war, 

Appomattox campaign, pursuit 
of Lee, 294; surrender, 295- 
297; effect in North, 297, 302. 

Arbitrary arrests, Vallandig- 
ham case, 4-8, 10, 11; Bum- 
side's order, 4; proclama- 
tion of 1862, 5; Curtis on, 6; 
act of 1863, 6; suppression 
of Chicago Times, 7 ; Lin- 
coln 's attitude, 10, 11; popu- 
lar attitude, 124; bibliog- 
raphy, 311. 

Archer as commerce-destroyer, 

Arkansas, military governor 
and loyal government, 135; 
abolishes slavery, 223. 

Army. See Confederate army, 
Union army. 

Army of Cumberland. See 
Rosecrans, Thomas. 

Army of James. See Butler 
(B. F.), Ord. 

Army of Northern Virginia. 
See Lee (R. E.). 

Army of Ohio. See Bumside, 

Army of Potomac. See Grant 
(U. S.), Meade. 

Army of Tennessee. See Mc- 
Pherson, Sherman (W. T.). 

Arnold, I. N., and suppression 
of Chicago Times, 7; on thir- 
teenth amendment, 126. 

Ashley, J. M., and thirteenth 
amendment, 124, 127, 221, 

Atlanta campaign, Sherman's 
task, 107; his force, 108; 
Johnston's force, 108; Sher- 
man and Johnston contrast- 


ed, 109; Federal line of com- 
munication, 110- 112, 119; 
Federal advance, 112; anal- 
ogy to Virginia campaign, 
113, 119; Rome, 113; Cass- 
ville, 114; New Hope Church, 
114; losses, 114, 117, 121; 
Federal danger, 115; John- 
ston's policy of retreat, 115, 
118, 119; Kenesaw Moun- 
tain, 115-117; morale of ar- 
mies, 118; Hood supersedes 
Johnston, 118; Peach - Tree 
Creek, 120; battle of Atlanta, 
120; Ezra Church, 120; Stone- 
man's raid, 121; attempt to 
cut off Atlanta, 121; capture 
of Atlanta, 201 ; depopulation 
and destruction of Atlanta, 
202; Hood on Sherman's 
communications, 203, 

Augur, C. C, command at 
Washington, 82. 

Averell, W. W., in West Vir- 
ginia (1864), 94; junction with 
Himter, i o i ; and pursuit of 
Early, 187; Moorefield, 188. 

Bailey, Joseph, rescues Red 
River expedition, 80. 

Baird, Absalom, Chickamauga, 
38; Missionary Ridge, 53. 

Ballads, bibliography of war- 
time, 313, 314. 

Banks, Nathaniel, and Mobile, 
77; Texas campaign (1863), 
7 7 ; preparation for Red River 
campaign, 77, 78; and sub- 
ordinates, 79; failure of cam- 
paign, 79-81; virtually su- 
perseded, 81. 

Banks, tax on state notes, 17, 
130, 224. See also National 

Barlow, F. C, Spottsylvania, 
92; Cold Harbor, loi; in 
pursuit of Lee, 295. 

Barnes, J. K., Medical and 
Surgical History, 318. 

Barter in Confederacy, 21, 278, 

Bates, Edward, resigns, 162 ; and 
Peirpoint government, 225. 

Beauregard, P. G. T., goes to 
Virginia, 87; and Butler, 95- 
97; commands in the West, 
203; bibliography, 323. 

Beecher, H. W., in war-time, 
263; at Fort Sumter, 302. 

Bellows, H. W., Sanitary Com- 
mission, 67, 261. 

Belmont, August, in Democrat- 
ic convention, 155. 

Benjamin, J. P., as cabinet of- 
ficer, 272; on negro soldiers, 

Bentonville battle, 236. 
Bermuda Hundred, Butler at, 
96, 97. 

Bingham, J. A., not in Con- 
gress (1864), 72. 

Biographies of Civil War 
period, military, 321-323; 
civil, 323-325. 

Blaine, J. G., enters Congress, 
73; bibliography, 323. 

Blair, F. P., Sr., career, 158; 
active Unionism, 158; Rich- 
mond mission, 227, 

Blair, F. P., Jr., in Congress 
and field, 158; and Fremont, 
159; offends Chase, 159; 
march to the sea, 205. 

Blair, Montgomery, as cabinet 
officer, 159; influence, 159; 
and Fremont, 159; and H. 
W. Davis, 159; resignation 
requested, 161. 

Blockade, effect on southern 
life, 58; fleet, 163; divisions, 
164; important points, 164; 
task of blockaders, 164; de- 
velopment of blockade-run- 
ning, 165; efficiency, 165; 
number of runners taken, 
165; gains of blockade-run- 
ning, 165; bibliography, 312. 

Blow, H. T., and Lincoln's re- 
construction policy, 138. 



Bonds, issue of five-twenties 
(1863), 14; Confederate, 19; 
loan act of 1864, 128; ten- 
forties, 128; compound-in- 
terest notes, 129; loan act of 
1865, 224. See also Debt. 

Booth, J. W., assassinates Lin- 
coln, 303. 

Border states, election of 1862, 

Boutwell, G. S., internal-reve- 
nue commissioner, 15; on 
thirteenth amendment, 126, 
222; and Lincoln's recon- 
struction policy, 138; bibliog- 
raphy, 324. 

Bowles, Samuel, as war editor, 

Bragg, Braxton, as a general, 
28; reinforcements, 29, 32; 
manoeuvred out of Chat- 
tanooga, 29; permits Federal 
concentration, 3 1 ; Chicka- 
mauga, first day, 32; second 
day, 33-40; besieges Chat- 
tanooga, 44, 49; dissensions, 
45-47; Brown's Ferry, 47; 
divides army, 48; force, 50; 
battle of Chattanooga, 51- 
55; chief of staff, 107, 270. 

Brannan, J. M., Chickamauga, 
35. 38. 

Breckinridge, J. C, Chicka- 
mauga, 34; position before 
Chattanooga, 50; battle, 52, 

Breckinridge, R. J. , speech in Re- 
publican convention (1864), 

Bright, John, and CivilWar, 252. 
Bristoe Station, affair at, 84. 
Brooke, J. M., service to Con- 
federacy, 62, 184. 
Brooklyn, battle of Mobile Bay, 

168-170; and Sumter, 176. 
Brooks, Phillips, in war-time, 

Brough, John, campaign for 
governor, 9. 

Brown, J. E., and Sherman, 

Browne, C. F., as humorist, 261. 
Brownell, H. H., "Fight in 

Mobile Bay," 263. 
Brown's Ferry, Tennessee, affair 

at, 47. 

Bryant, W. C, in war-time, 

Bryce, B. W., as paymaster- 
general, 259. 

Buchanan, Franklin, com- 
mands Tennessee, 168; Mo- 
bile Bay, 170, 171; surren- 
ders, 171. 

Buckner, S. B., reinforces Bragg, 
29; retires before Burnside, 

Buell, D. C, refuses subor- 
dinate command, 85. 

Bulloch, J. D., purchases Shen- 
andoah, 183. 

Burnside, A. E., Order No. 38, 
4; trial of Vallandigham, 5, 
7; justification, 5, 6; oc- 
cupies Knoxville, 27, 48; 
Longstreet sent against, 48; 
failure of Longstreet 's ex- 
pedition, 55, 56; in Vir- 
ginia campaign, 86; Wilder- 
ness, 89; Petersburg mine, 
104; bibliography, 322. 

Butler, B. F., force (May, 
1864), 86; responsibility for 
failure, 87; and his subordi- 
nates, 94, 96; part in Grant's 
plan, 95; begins well, 95; re- 
fuses to attack Petersburg, 
96; "bottled up," 97; and 
vice-presidential nomination, 
153; and Peirpoint, 225; fail- 
ure at Fort Fisher, 235; bib- 
liography, 322. 

Cabinet, Republican platform 
on Lincoln's, 152; changes in 
Lincoln's, 160-162. 

Campbell, J. A., Hampton Con- 
ference, 228. 


Canada, Confederate opera- 
tions from, 218; bibliography 
of operations, 326. 

Canby, E. R., supersedes Banks, 
8 1 ; and Louisiana loyal gov- 
ernment, 225; receives sur- 
render of Taylor, 297. 

Carleton, J. H., command in 
New Mexico, 82. 

Cavalry, development, 97. 

Cedar Creek battle, 195-198; 
losses, 198. 

Chamberlain, J. L., teacher, 

Chandler, D. T., on Anderson- 
ville, 244. 

Chandler, Zachariah, and Lin- 
coln's reconstruction policy, 
137; and veto of Davis's bill, 
142; and loyal government 
of Louisiana, 227. 

Chapin, E. H., in war-time, 263. 

Charleston, attempt to reduce, 
24; Federal hatred, 233; 
evacuated, 235. 

Chase, S. P., and greenbacks, 
13; and loan of 1863, 14; 
and national banks, 16; es- 
timates for 1864, 128; Con- 
gress supports, 128; issue of 
ten-forties, 128; of compound 
interest notes, 129; presiden- 
tial ambition, 146; on lack of 
administrative policy, 146; 
Lincoln's attitude, 147; can- 
didacy (1864), 147, 148; 
personal relations with Lin- 
coln, 157; repeated resigna- 
tions, 157, 160; and Blairs, 
159; and patronage, 160; res- 
ignation accepted, 160; resig- 
nation and Federal finances, 
160; achievement as finan- 
cial secretary, 161; chief- 
justice, 161 ; administers oath 
to Lincoln, 231 ; bibliography, 

Chattanooga, Bragg manoeu- 
vred out of, 29; Rosecrans 

occupies, 30; Federals re- 
treat to, 39; Hooker rein- 
forces, 42 ; Thomas com- 
mands, 43; Grant at, 44; 
positions of opposing forces, 
44, 49, 50; Federal morale, 

44, 47; Sherman ordered to, 

45, 49; dissensions in Con- 
federate army, 45-47; open- 
ing of supply line, 47 ; Con- 
federate army divided, 48; 
forces, 50; Grant's plan, 51; 
battle, Thomas's first move- 
ment, 51; Sherman's attack, 
51, 53; Lookout Mountain, 
52; Missionary Ridge, 52; 
losses, 53 ; impressiveness of 
battle, 53-55; bibliography, 

Cheatham, B. F., Nashville 
campaign, 210. 

Chesnut, Mary B., war pict- 
ures, 60; on Hood after de- 
feat, 289. 

Chicago Times, suppression, 7. 

Chickamauga campaign, Bragg 
manoeuvred out of Chat- 
tanooga, 26-30; separation of 
Federal corps, 30; Bragg 
neglects opportunity, 3 1 ; 
Federal concentration, 3 1 ; 
topography of field, 3 1 ; posi- 
tions and forces, 32; first 
day, 3 2 ; arrival of Long- 
street, 32; Federal council, 
33; second day, attack on 
Thomas, 34; rout of Federal 
right, 35-38; Thomas's stand, 
38; losses, 39; result, 40; 
criticism of Bragg, 45; bibli- 
ography, 325. 

Christian Commission, 68. 

Civil service, Lincoln and vote 
of office-holders, 219. 

Civil War, results to end of 
1863, 57; importance of elec- 
tion of 1864, 119, 145, 154, 
156; destruction of private 
property considered, 177, 



237-240; deaths, 304; cost, 
304; effect, 305; bibliography 
of period, 307-327; general 
histories, 307; special his- 
tories, 308-310; of consti- 
tutional questions, 310; of 
foreign affairs, 311; statis- 
tical and technical works, 
313; songs and ballads, 313; 
Official Records, 3 1 4-3 1 9 ; 
other public documents, 319; 
state documents, 320; col- 
lections of sources, 320; 
biographies and reminis- 
cences, 321-325; personal 
experiences, 325-327; news- 
papers, 327. 
Clarence as commerce-destroyer, 

Clark, Daniel, on thirteenth 

amendment, 126. 
Cleburne, Patrick, Chicka- 

mauga, 34; Atlanta, 120; 

Franklin, killed, 214. 
Cobb, Howell, on Anderson- 

ville, 244. 
Cobden, Richard, and Civil 

War, 252. 
Cochrane, John, nominated for 

vice-president, 149. 
Coeducation, collegiate, 257. 
Cold Harbor battle, 100. 
Colleges, northern, during Civil 

War, 257; congressional aid, 

257; southern, during war, 


Collins, Napoleon, captures 

Florida, 182. 
Collyer, Robert, in war-time, 


Columbia, burning of, 234. 

Commerce, effect of Confed- 
erate cruisers on merchant 
marine, 174, 179; precedent 
of depredations, 176; north- 
ern war-time, 253; Confed- 
erate, 273-275. See also 
Blockade, Railroads. 

Commissary department, ad- 

ministration of northern, 43 ; 
of southern, 270. 

Committee on Conduct of War, 
reports, 318. 

Compoimd-interest notes, 129. 

Confederate army, strength 
(May, 1864), 81; administra- 
tion, 270; commissariat, 271; 
provost-marshal department, 
272; recruiting of negroes, 
291; number paroled (1865), 
297; bibliography, 313, 326; 
Official Records, 314-318. 
See also campaigns and com- 
manders by name. 

Confederate congress, character, 
272; repudiation, 277; negro 
soldiers, 291; bibliography, 

Confederate navy, no successes 
in warfare, 1 63 ; damage by 
cruisers, 163, 173, 174; Mobile 
Bay, 167-172; destruction of 
Albemarle, 172; in western 
waters, 173; cruisers in neu- 
tral ports, 175; Semmes, 175; 
career of Sumter, 176, 177; 
precedent for depredations of 
cruisers, 176; career of Ala- 
bama, 178-180; of Florida, 
180-182 ; of Lieutenant Read, 
181; of other cruisers, 182; 
of Shenandoah, 183 ; bibliogra- 
phy,3i2; Official Records, 3 18. 

Confederate States, and Union 
men, 18; finances, 19-22, 
276-278; cleft apart, 57; war 
attitude (1864), 269; ad- 
ministration, 272; bibliog- 
raphy of foreign affairs, 
308; of constitutional ques- 
tion, 310, 311; of finance, 
312; records, 315, 319. See 
also South. 

Congress, thirty - seventh : rep- 
resentation from seceding 
states, 134, 135; grant for ag- 
ricultural colleges, 257; bibli- 
ography, 318, 319. 


Thirty-eighth: speaker, 72; 
complexion, 72; prominent 
men, 72-74; task, 74; revives 
lieutenant - generalship, 74; 
military measures, 75, 132, 
224; thirteenth amendment, 
124-127, 221; loan of 1864, 
128; tax acts, 129, 130, 224; 
national banks, 130, 224; 
paper money, 131; specula- 
tion in gold, 131; credit for 
financial measures, 132; non- 
war acts, 133; reception 
of Lincoln's reconstruction 
policy, 137; Davis's recon- 
struction bill, 139-141; Lin- 
coln pockets it, 141; control 
over slavery questioned, 142 ; 
second session, message, 220; 
Fessenden's financial sugges- 
tions, 223 ; exhausting labors, 
224; Davis's nevv^ reconstruc- 
tion bill, 226; loyal gov- 
ernment of Louisiana not 
recognized, 226; bibliogra- 
phy, 318, 319. 

Conkling, Roscoe, not in Con- 
gress (1864), 72; Fry con- 
troversy, 259, 260. 

Conscription, northern resist- 
ance, 8; New York riots, 9; 
enforced, 76; amended act, 

Constitution, war powers, 123; 
thirteenth amendment, 124- 
127; bibliography of ques- 
tions, 310. See also Emanci- 
pation, Reconstruction. 

Cooke, Jay, and war finances, 

Cooper, Samuel, and Confeder- 
ate records, 315. 

Copper, discoveries, 255. 

Copperheadism, growth, 3 ; 
Vallandigham case, 4-8; ori- 
gin of name, 4; suppression 
of Chicago Times, 7. 

Corruption, extent of northern 
war-time, 259, 260. 

Corse, J. M., at Allatoona, 203. 

Cotton, Confederate depend- 
ence on, 19. 

Couch, D. N., command in 
Pennsylvania, 82. 

Cox, J. D., on Swinton, 70; 
Franklin, 212, 214; on Sher- 
man's depredations, 238; on 
War Records, 317; bibliog- 
raphy, 322. 

Cox, S. S., at Mount Vernon 
meeting, 4; at Vallandig- 
ham 's trial, 7. 

Craven, T. M., goes down with 
Tecumseh, 169. 

Crittenden, J. J., bibliography, 

Crittenden, T. L., in campaign 
before Chickamauga, 28, 29; 
occupies Chattanooga, 30; 
Chickamauga, first day, 32; 
in council, 33; second day, 
34, 38; displaced, 43- 

Crook, George, in West Vir- 
ginia (1864), 94; junction 
with Hunter, loi; and pur- 
suit of Early, 187; and Sheri- 
dan, 189; Fisher's Hill, 193; 
Cedar Creek, 196. 

Cruisers. 5^^ Confederate navy. 

Cushing, W. B., destroys Albe- 
marle, 172. 

Cushing cut out by Read, 181. 

Custer, G. A., as cavalry officer, 
97, 189; Cedar Creek, 198; 
final Valley operations, 199, 

Daguerreotype invented, 255. 

Dahlgren, J. A., before Charles- 
ton, 24. 

Dalton battle, 112. 

Dana, C. A., and Rosecrans, 27; 
at Chickamauga, 3 7 ; as Lin- 
coln's agent at front, 41, 69; 
on conditions in Shenandoah, 

Dana, R. H., on Grant, 74. 
Davis, G. B., work on War 
Records, 315. 



Davis, G. W., work on War 
Records, 315. 

Davis, Garrett, and thirteenth 
amendment , 125. 

Davis, H. W., enters Congress, 
73; and Lincoln, 139; recon- 
struction bill, 140, 141; mani- 
festo, 143; new bill, 226. 

Davis, J. C., Chickamauga, 38; 
march to the sea, 205. 

Davis, Jefferson, and Bragg, 28; 
visits Bragg's army, 46; and 
plan to invade Tennessee, 
107; removes Johnston, 118; 
visits Hood's army, 203 ; and 
Blair's mission, 227; and 
Hampton Conference, 228; as 
president, 270; and army 
officers, 270; religion, 280; 
captured, 297; bibliography, 

Dawes, H. W., and Davis's re- 
construction bill, 226. 

Debt, estimated increase (1864), 
128; reconstruction and re- 
pudiation of southern, 140; 
size of Federal (1864), 220; 
Lincoln's recommendation, 
220. See also Bonds, Paper 

Democratic party. See Copper- 
headism, Elections. 

Dennison, William, in Repub- 
lican convention, 151; post- 
master-general, 161. 

Dickens, Charles, and Civil 
War, 252. 

Dickinson, D. S., and vice- 
presidential nomination, 153. 

Disloyal societies. See Copper- 

Dix, J. A., command in New 
York, 82; bibliography, 322. 

Dixon, James, and Lincoln's 
reconstruction policy, 138. 

Dodge, G. M., on march to 
Chattanooga, 49; invalided, 

Draft. See Conscription. 

Dwight, William, Cedar Creek, 

Early, J. A., sent to Shenan- 
doah Valley, 102; invades 
Maryland, 103; Monocacy, 
103; threatens Washington, 
104; pursuit, 186; Kernstown, 
187; sends McCausland on 
raid, 187; force against Sheri- 
dan, 189; retreat and ad- 
vance, 190; Opequon Creek, 
191; Fisher's Hill, 192; rallies 
his force, 193; Cedar Creek, 
195-199; after Cedar Creek, 

Economic conditions, southern 
war-time, 58; scarcity in 
South, 61; development of 
industries, 62-64, 276; north- 
em prosperity, 65, 253 ; crops, 
254; wages and prices, 254; 
development of natural re- 
sources, 255; utilization of 
inventions, 255. See also 
Agriculture, Commerce, Fi- 
nances, Manufactures. 

Education, in North, common 
schools, 256; normal, 256; 
high schools, 257; colleges, 
257; state universities and 
coeducation, 257; Federal 
grant, 257; effect of war on 
colleges, 258; in South, 278. 

Eggleston, G. C, on Confed- 
erate paper money, 2 1 ; de- 
spairs of southern success, 
269; on southern commis- 
sariat, 271; on prices, 277; 
on behavior of negroes, 288. 

Elections, 1864 : thirteenth 
amendment as issue, 127, 
150-152; importance to pros- 
ecution of war, 145, 152, 154; 
dependence on military suc- 
cess, 145, 154; Chase's can- 
didacy, 146-148; Grant's 
candidacy, 148; nomination 
of Fremont, 149; Republican 


convention, 149; R. J, Breck- 
inridge's speech, 150; dele- 
gations from seceding states, 
151; platform, 1 51-153; Lin- 
coln renominated, 153; nomi- 
nation for vice-president, 
153; Democratic convention, 
154; "war a failure" issue, 
156, 218; Democratic nomi- 
nations, 156; state elections, 
219; Republican success, 219. 

Emancipation, thirteenth 
amendment, 124-127, 221; 
in Davis's reconstruction bill, 
140; right of Congress, 142; 
steps, 222, 223; by direct 
state action, 223; Lincoln 
proposes compensation, 229. 

Emerson, R. W., Newell 's 
parody, 262; on Lincoln's 
re-election, 265. 

Emory, W. H., under Sheridan, 
188; Fisher's Hill, 193; Cedar 
Creek, 196. 

Erlanger, Emil, and Confed- 
erate bonds, 19. 

Ether, discovery and utiliza- 
tion, 255. 

Ewell, R. S., in Virginia cam- 
paign, 87; Wilderness, 89; 
Sailor's Creek, captured, 295. 

Ezra Church battle, 120. 

Farragut, D. G., preparation 
against Mobile, 167; fleet, 
168; passage of Fort Morgan, 
168-170; fight with Tennes- 
see, 170-172; losses, 172; bib- 
liography, 322. 

Fessenden, W. P., and tax on 
state - bank notes, 1 7 ; and 
veto of Davis's reconstruc- 
tion bill, 142; secretary of 
treasury, 160, 223. 

Finances, improved condition 
of northern, 15, 127; popular 
support, 15, 66; Confederate 
dependence on cotton, 19; 
requirements and means 

(1864), 128; credit for war, 
132 ; and resignation of Chase, 
160; Chase's achievement, 
161; Fessenden as secretary, 
223; his recommendations, 
223; cost of Civil War, 304; 
bibliography, 312. See also 
Banks, Bonds, Debt, Money, 
Paper Money, Taxation. 

Fisher, Fort, Butler's attack, 
235; captured, 235. 

Fisheries, Confederate depreda- 
tions, 184. 

Fisher's Hill battle, 192. 

Five Forks battle, 293. 

Florida, campaign (1864), 77; 
delegates to Republican con- 
vention (1864), 151- 

Florida, career, 180-182. 

Foote, A. H., bibliography, 322. 

Forbes, J. M., patriotic work, 
261; bibliography, 324. 

Foreign affairs, danger from, 
ceases, 251; bibliography, 
311. 5^^ aZi-o nations by name. 

Forrest, N. B., and Sherman's 
Meridian expedition, 106; 
raid to Ohio River, no; Fort 
Pillow, no; Nashville cam- 
paign, 210; exploit on Ten- 
nessee River, 210; Franklin, 
212; Selma, 236; bibliogra- 
phy, 323- 

Forster, W. E., and Civil War, 

Franklin, W. B., Red River 
campaign, 79; suggested for 
Valley command, 188. 

Franklin battle, 212-214. 

Freedmen. See Negroes. 

Freeman, E. A., and Civil War, 

Fremantle, A. J. L., on southern 
travel, 174. 

Fremont, J. C, nomination 
(1864), 149; withdraws, 219. 

Fry, J. B., as provost-marshal- 
general, 8; Conkling con- 
troversy, 259, 260. 



Gaines, Fort, 167; siirrenders, 

Garfield, J. A., Chickamauga, 
38; enters Congress, 73; 
opposes lieutenant-general- 
ship, 74; and Lincoln's re- 
construction policy, 138; on 
thirteenth amendment, 222; 
teacher, 258. 

Garrison, W. L., in war-time, 

Gay, Mary A. H., anecdote of 
slave, 287. 

Georgia, career, 183. 

Getty, G. W., Wilderness, 90. 

Gillmore, Q. A., before Charles- 
ton, 24; Florida campaign, 
78; imder Butler, 94, 96. 

Gilmor, Harry, guerilla, 189. 

Gladstone, W. E., and Civil 
War, 252. 

Gold, discoveries, 255. See also 

Goodyear, Charles, vulcanized 

rubber, 255. 
Gordon, J. B., Spottsylvania, 

93; Opequon Creek, 191; 

Cedar Creek, 195, 196; Fort 

Stedman, 292. 
Granger, Gordon, Chickamauga, 


Grant, L. A., Cedar Creek, 197. 

Grant, U. S., displaces Mc- 
Clemand, 41 ; army dispersed, 
42; assigned to Division of 
Mississippi, 43 ; has Thomas 
supersede Rosecrans, 43 ; at 
Chattanooga, 44; opening of 
supply line, 47; position of 
forces, 50; plan, 51; battle, 
51-55; and newspaper-men, 
70; lieutenant-general, 74; 
unimpressive, 74; and Sher- 
man and McPherson, 75; 
policy of concentration, 78; 
position of forces (May, 
1864), 82, 83; Sherman's ad- 
vice, 83 ; accompanies Army 
of Potomac, 84; and Meade, 

VOL. XXI. — 22 

85, 88; force in Virginia cam- 
paign, 86; plan in Virginia, 
87; advance, 88; Wilderness, 
88-91; Spottsylvania, 91-93; 
continues flanking movement, 
93 ; and Butler's movement, 
94-97; Sheridan's raid, 97- 
99; North Anna River, 99; 
Cold Harbor, 100; crosses the 
James, loi ; failure to capture 
Petersburg, 102; Petersburg 
mine, 104; army deteriorates, 
105; cause of failure, 105, 
186; plan for Sherman, 107; 
candidacy (1864), 148, 153 '» 
and Valley command, 188; 
orders destruction of Valley, 
189, 238; failure to break 
Lee's defence, 200; and march 
to the sea, 204, 205, 209; 
and Thomas at Nashville, 
215; refuses to exchange 
prisoners of war, 240, 243; 
disappointment, 290; force 
in final campaign, 292; Fort 
Stedman, 292; conference, 
293; final movements before 
Petersburg, 293, 294; pur- 
suit of Lee, 294; surrender of 
Lee, 295-297; character, 298, 
299; escapes assassination, 
303; bibliography, 322. 

Gray, Asa, on confidence of 
North, 66. 

Great Britain, and Confederate 
cruisers, 175, 180, 181, 183, 
184; improved attitude, 252. 

Greeley, Horace, as war editor, 
69 ; and Lincoln's reconstruc- 
tion policy, 138; and nomina- 
tion of Fremont (1864), 149; 
bibliography, 324. 

Gregg, D. M., as cavalry officer, 

Grimes, J. W., corruption in- 
vestigation, 259. 

Grote, George, and Civil War, 

Grover, Cuvier, Cedar Creek, 196. 


Grow, G. A., not in Congress 
(1864), 73- 

Habeas CORPUS. 5<7^ Arbitrary 

Hale, E. E., Man Without a 

Country, 263. 
Halleck, H. W., and Rosecrans, 

2 5 ; chief of staff, 7 5 ; and 

Charleston, 233. 
Halstead, Murat, as war editor, 


Hamlin, Hannibal, why not 

renominated, 153. 
Hampton, Wade, Trevilian's 

Station, 102; Bentonville, 


Hampton Conference, 228. 

Hancock, W. S., return to com- 
mand, 86; Wilderness, 89- 
91; Spottsylvania, 92; Cold 
Harbor, loi ; Petersburg, 102 ; 
invalided, 103 ; bibliography, 

Hardee, W. J., and Bragg, 28, 
46; at Mobile, 29; before 
Chattanooga, 45, 49; battle, 
51, 53; in Atlanta campaign, 
108; New Hope Church, 114; 
Atlanta, 120; escapes from 
Savannah, 217; at Charles- 
ton, 232, evacuates it, 235. 

Hartford, battle of Mobile Bay, 

Hartranft, J. F., Knoxville, 55. 

Harvard University during Civil 
War, 257, 325. 

Haupt, Herman, bibliography, 

Hawthorne, Nathaniel, lack of 
patriotism, 264. 

Hay, John, on reception of Lin- 
coln's reconstruction policy, 
137; on Lincoln and Davis's 
bill, 141. 

Hayes, R. B., Cedar Creek, 196. 

Hazen, W. B., bibliography, 322. 

Heintzelman, S. P., command 
in central West, 82. 

Henderson, J. B., introduces 
thirteenth amendment, 125. 

Hendricks, T. A., in Senate, 74; 
on thirteenth amendment, 

Hill, A. P., Bristoe Station, 84; 

in Virginia campaign, 87; 

Wilderness, 89, 90; Weldon 

railroad, 103 ; killed, 294. 
Hill, D. H., and Bragg, 28, 45; 

Chickamauga, 34; teacher, 


Hoe, R. M., rotary press, 255. 
Holland, J. G., in war-time, 

Holmes, O. W., in war-time, 

Holt, Joseph, and vice-presi- 
dential nomination, 153. 

Hood, J. B., Chickamauga, 
wounded, 3 7 ; and plan to in- 
vade Tennessee, 107; in 
Atlanta campaign, 108; and 
attack at Cassville, 114; con- 
firmed by Polk, 116; super- 
sedes Johnston in command, 
118; attacks before Atlanta, 
120; evacuates Atlanta, 201; 
and depopulation of Atlanta, 
202; on Sherman's com- 
munications, 203; force for 
Nashville campaign, 210; be- 
gins advance, 211; Schofield 
delays, 211; Spring Hill, 212; 
Franklin, 212-215; before 
Nashville, 215; battle of 
Nashville, 216; force annihil- 
ated, 216; after defeat, 289; 
bibliography, 323. 

Hooker, Joseph, sent to Chat- 
tanooga, 42; Brown's Ferry, 
47; position, 50; Lookout 
Mountain, 52, 54; New Hope 
Church, 114; resigns, 201. 

Hooker, Samuel, and national- 
banks act, 17. 

Hotchkiss, Jed, Cedar Creek, 

Howard, O. O., sent West, 42; 



New Hope Church, 114; com- 
mands Army of Tennessee, 
120; march to the sea, 205, 
208; in Carohna march, 236. 
Howe, Ehas, sewing-machine, 

Howe, Julia W., on w^ar-time 
luxur}-, 259; "Battle Hymn," 

Hughes, John, and draft riots, 

Himter, David, in Shenandoah 
Valley, advance, 10 1; re- 
treat, 102; and pursuit of 
Early, 187. 

Htmter, R. M. T., Hampton 
Conference, 228. 

Hurlbut, S. A., commands at 
Memphis, 45; and Louisiana 
loyal government, 225. 

Illinois Copperheadism, 4. 

Immigration, act of 1864, 133. 

Income tax act of 1864, 129. 

Indiana, Copperheadism, 4 ; 
Morgan's raid, 23. 

Ingalls, Rufus, as commissary- 
general, 43, 260. 

IngersoU, E. C, on thirteenth 
amendment, 126, 222. 

Internal revenue, success, 15; 
administration, 15; subjects 
of taxation, 15; Confederate, 
19; Federal, estimated rev- 
enue (1864), 128; act of 1864, 
129; popularity, 129; actual 
receipts (1864), 220; act of 
1865, 224. 

Inventions, utilization during 
war-time, 255. 

Iowa, University of, coeduca- 
tion, 257. 

Iroquois and Sumter, 177. 

Jackson, T. J., teacher, 279; 
religion, 280. 

Jenkins, Micah, Knoxville ex- 
pedition, 48, 55; Wilderness, 
killed, 91. 

Johnson, Andrew, military gov- 
ernor, 134; nominated for 
vice-president, 153, 

Johnson, Edward, Spottsyl- 
vania, 93. 

Johnson, Reverdy, in Senate, 
74; and Lincoln's reconstruc- 
tion policy, 138. 

Johnston, J. E., and Bragg, 28; 
and plan to invade Ten- 
nessee (1864), 107; displaces 
Bragg, 107; force in Atlanta 
campaign, 108; character, 
109; Dalton, 112; Resaca, 
113; desire to attack at 
Cassville, 114; New Hope 
Church, 114; policy of re- 
treat, 115, 118, 119; Kene- 
saw Moimtain, 115, 117; 
baptized by Polk, 117; re- 
moved from command, 118; 
about to attack, 119; re- 
newed command against 
Sherman, 232; Bentonville, 
236; on southern transpor- 
tation, 275; surrenders, 297; 
bibliography, 323. 

Jones, J. B., on Confederate 
Congress, 273; on strait in 
Richmond, 289; on recruit- 
ing negroes, 291. 

Julian, G. W., bibliography, 

Kasson, J. A., enters Congress, 
73 ; on thirteenth amend- 
ment, 222. 

Kearsage- Alabama fight, 179. 

Keifer, J. W., bibliography, 

Kenesaw Mountain battle, 115- 

Kerr, Orpheus C. See Newell 
(R. H.). 

Kershaw, J. B., sent to Shen- 
andoah, 193; Cedar Creek, 

Kilpatrick, H. J., march to the 
sea, 205. 


King, T. S., in war-time, 263. 

Kirtly, J. W., work on War 
Records, 315. 

Knoxville, Burnside occupies, 
27, 48; Longstreet sent 
against, 48; failure of Long- 
street's expedition, 55, 56. 

Labor. See Wages. 

Lackawanna, battle of Mobile 
Bay, 171. 

Law, E. M., Knoxville expedi- 
tion, 55. 

Lawrence, A. A., patriotic work, 

Lazelle, H. M., work on War 
Records, 315. 

Leavitt, H. H., and Vallandig- 
ham case, 7. 

Le Conte, John, service to Con- 
federacy, 63, 

Le Conte, Joseph, service to 
Confederacy, 63 ; on south- 
ern war attitude, 64; on 
slavery, 288. 

Lee, Fitzhugh, and Sheridan's 
raid, 99; Trevilian's Station, 
102; Five Forks, 293. 

Lee, R. E., and newspaper- 
men, 69; autumn campaign 
(1863), 84; offers to retire 
from command, 84; force 
(May, 1864), 87; Wilderness, 
88-91; exposes himself, 90, 
93; Spottsylvania, 91-93; 
North Anna River, 99; Cold 
Harbor, 100; at Petersburg, 
103; ability, 105, 186; and 
plan to invade Tennessee, 
107; impregnable defence, 
200; increasing strait, 200; 
commander - in - chief, 232, 
291; and commissariat, 271; 
religion, 280; genius recog- 
nized, 291; and negro sol- 
diers, 292 ; force in final cam- 
paign, 292; plan, 292; Fort 
Stedman, 292; final opera- 
tions at Petersburg, 293, 

294; evacuates, 294; flight, 
294; surrender, 295-297; 
character, 298, 299; bibliog- 
raphy, 323. 

Lee, S. D., Nashville campaign, 
210; Franklin, 213. 

Legal tender. See Paper money. 

Lincoln, Abraham, military- 
arrests proclamation, 5, 124; 
and suppression of Chicago 
News, 6; and Valandigham 
case, 7, 10, 11; and Seymour, 
8; political letter (1863), 11- 
13; on reopening of Mis- 
sissippi, 12 ; on negro soldiers, 
1 2 ; and Rosecrans, 2 5 ; ap- 
points military governors, 
133-135; reconstruction proc- 
lamation' (1863), ~ 137 1 
its reception in Congress, 
137; opposition to recon- 
struction policy, 139, 141; 
and H. W. Davis, 139; 
pockets Davis's reconstruc- 
tion bill, 141; proclamation 
on veto, 143; advocates thir- 
teenth amendment, 143, 220; 
Wade-Davis manifesto, 143 ; 
Chase on administration, 146; 
and Chase, 147, 148, 157, 
160; administration upheld, 
152; platform on cabinet, 
152; renominated, 153; on 
renomination, 153; prepara- 
tion for defeat, 154; requests 
Blair's resignation, 161; other 
cabinet changes, 162; and 
march to the sea, 204; Sher- 
man presents Savannah to, 
216; re-elected, 219; conduct 
during campaign, 219; and 
pressure on office-holders, 219; 
last annual message, 220; on 
the debt, 220; peace terms, 
221, 228; adheres to eman- 
cipation, 221; and Peirpoint 
government, 225; and Louis- 
iana loyal government, 225; 
and Blair's mission, 227, 228; 



Hampton Conference, 228; 
and compensation for eman- 
cipation, 229; second inaugu- 
ration, 230; effect of burden 
of war on, 249; and his cabi- 
net, 250; appreciation of 
humor, 261; Gettysburg ad- 
dress, 263; Emerson on, 
265; conference with Grant 
and Sherman, 293 ; in Rich- 
mond, 299; and Virginia 
legislature, 300; last words on 
reconstruction, 300-302; as- 
sassinated, 303 ; mourning for, 
304 ; savior of Union, 3 04 ; bib- 
liography of administrations, 
307-327; biographies, 324. 

Literature, northern war-time, 
humor, 261; orators, 263; 
lyrics, 263; fiction, 263; at- 
titude of great writers, 263- 
268; southern war-time, 281 ; 
bibliography of songs and 
ballads, 313, 314- 

Locke, D. R., as satirist, 261. 

Logan, J. A., sent to supersede 
Thomas, 215. 

Longfellow, H. W., in war-time, 
264; and Sumner, 265. 

Longstreet, James, and Bragg, 

28, 45, 46; reinforces Bragg, 

29, 32; Chickamauga, posi- 
tion, 33; routs Federal right, 
36-38; Brown's Ferry, 47; 
sent against Knoxville, 48; 
failure of expedition, 55, 56; 
rejoins Lee, 56, 87; Wilder- 
ness, 89-9 1 ; wounded, 9 1 ; 
and plan to invade Ten- 
nessee, 107; and Early, 195; 
in final campaign, 295; bib- 
liography, 323. 

Lookout Mountain. See Chat- 

Louisiana, loyal government, 
135, 226; abolishes slavery, 
223 ; Senate and loyal govern- 
ment, 226; Lincoln on rec- 
ognition, 300-302. 

Lovejoy, Owen, and Lincoln's 
reconstruction policy, 138. 

Lowell, C. R., as cavalry of- 
ficer, 189 ; Cedar Creek, killed, 

Lowell, J. R., on Nasby, 262; 
second series of Biglow 
Papers, 267; edits North 
American Review, 268; on 
Lincoln's re-election, 268; 
on surrender of Lee, 297. 

Luxury, northern war-time, 
258; societies to discourage, 

Lyell, Sir Charles, and Civil 

War, 252, 305. 
Lynchburg, Hunter before, 102. 

McCausland, John, Pennsyl- 
vania raid, 187; Moorefield, 

McClellan, G. B., nominated for 
president, 154, 156; and " war 
a failure " issue, 156; defeat- 
ed, 219. 

McClemand, J. B., displaced, 

McClure, A. K., as war editor, 

McCook, A. M., in campaign 
before Chickamauga, 28, 29; 
Chickamauga, first day, 32; 
in council, 33; second day, 
34, 38; displaced, 43. 

McCormick, C. H., reaper, 255. 

McLaws, Lafayette, Knoxville 
expedition, 48, 55. 

McNeil, J. H., guerilla, 189. 

McPherson, J. B., commands at 
Vicksburg, 45 ; commands 
Army of Tennessee, 75; and 
Grant, 75; under Sherman, 
83 ; force in Atlanta cam- 
paign, 108; Dalton, 112; 
Resaca, 113; Peach - Tree 
Creek, 120; Atlanta, killed, 

Maffitt, E. A., commands 
Florida, 1 80. 


Mahone, William, Petersburg 
mine, 105. 

Manufactures, war develop- 
ment of southern, 62-64, 276; 
northern war-time, 254. 

March to the sea, Sherman pro- 
poses, 204; risk, 204; Grant 
acquiesces in, 205 ; force, 205 ; 
equipment, 206; destruction, 
206-208, 217; lack of violence, 
208; unimpeded march, 208; 
Milledgeville, 209; capture of 
Savannah, 216; bibliography, 

Marcy, W. L., and Declaration 

of Paris, 177. 
Maryland abolishes slavery, 220, 


Massachusetts negro soldiers, 

Maury, M. F., as hydrographer, 
63 ; service to Confederacy, 

Maximilian in Mexico, 251. 

Meade, G. G., force and sup- 
porting forces (May, 1864), 
83, 86; autumn campaign 
(1863), 84; Grant retains, in 
command, 85 ; advance (May, 
1864), 88; and Grant, 88, 
290; Wilderness, 88-91; 
Spottsylvania, 91-93; and 
Sheridan, 98; Cold Harbor, 
100; crosses the James, loi; 
attack on Petersburg, 102; 
deterioration of force, 105; 
suggested for Valley com- 
mand, 188; bibliography, 322. 

Meagher, T. F., bibliography, 

Medill, Joseph, as war editor, 

Meigs, J. R., killed, 194. 

Meigs, M. C, as quartermaster- 
general, 43. 

Melbourne, Australia, and Shen- 
andoah, 184. 

Memminger, C. G., bibliogra- 
phy, 325- 

Meridian, Sherman's march on, 

Merritt, Wesley, as cavalry of- 
ficer, 97, 189. 

Mexico, Republican platform 
on French in, 152; empire, 

Michigan, University of, pre- 
eminence, 257. 
Military Division of Mississippi. 
See Grant (U. S.), Sherman 
(W. T.). 
Military governors, 133-135. 
Military trials. See Vallandig- 

Mine Run, threatened battle at, 

Mining, war-time development, 

Missionary Ridge. See Chat- 

Mississippi River, Lincoln on 
opening, 12; patrol on, 57. 

Missouri, delegates to Repub- 
lican convention (1864), 151, 
153; abolishes slavery, 223. 

Mobile, Grant's plan against, 
42 ; captured, 297. 

Mobile Bay, defences, 167; Fed- 
eral attacking force, 168; pas- 
sage of Fort Morgan, 168-170; 
fight with Tennessee, 170-172; 
Federal loss, 172; surrender 
of forts, 172. 

Money, Confederate specie, 20; 
northern premium on gold, 
131; gold speculation act, 131. 
See also Paper money. 

Monocacy battle, 103. 

Monongahela, battle of Mobile 
Bay, 171. 

Montauk destroys Nashville, 

Moorefield battle, 188. 
Morgan, E. D., in Senate, 73; 

Republican convention, 150. 
Morgan, J. H., trans-Ohio raid, 

23; captured, 24. 
Morgan, Fort, 167 ; Federal fleet 



passes, 168-170; surrenders, 

Morris, Daniel, on thirteenth 
amendment , 126, 

Morton, W. T. G., ether, 255. 

Mosby, J. S., guerilla, 189; 
bibliography, 323. 

Motley, J. L., on the war, 265. 

Mount Vernon, Ohio, Copper- 
head meeting, 4. 

Napoleon III. and Confed- 
eracy, 61, 251. 

Nasby, Petroleum V. See Locke 
(D. R.). 

Nashville, Confederate cruiser, 
destroyed, 183. 

Nashville campaign. Hood's 
army, 210; Thomas's scat- 
tered forces, 210; Hood's ad- 
vances, 211; Schofield de- 
lays him, 211; Spring Hill, 
212; Franklin, 212-215; 
Thomas's delay, 215; con- 
centration of Federal force, 
215; battle of Nashville, 215; 
annihilation of Hood's force, 

Nassau, and blockade-running, 
165; and Confederate cruisers, 

National banks, creation of 
system, 16; provisions of act, 
1 7 ; tax on state-bank circula- 
tion, 17, 130; success of sys- 
tem, 17-18, 130; act of 1864, 

Navy. See Confederate navy. 

Union navy. 
Nebraska enabling act, 133. 
Negley, J. S., Chickamauga, 38. 
Negro soldiers, Lincoln on, 12; 
assault on Fort Wagner, 24; 
policy of enlisting, 76; num- 
ber, 76; as prisoners of war, 
242; Confederate plan to re- 
cruit, 291, bibliography, 311. 
Negroes, Lincoln's reconstruc- 
tion proclamation on, 136, 

137; Lincoln on suffrage, 
301. See also Emancipation, 

Neutrality, obligations as re- 
spect war- vessels, 174; Great 
Britain and Confederate 
cruisers, 175. 

Nevada admitted, 133. 

New York City draft riots, 9. 

Newell, R. H., as satirist, 262; 
parody on Emerson, 262. 

Newspapers. See Press. 

Niagara, captures Georgia, 183; 
escapes Stonewall, 183. 

North, depression and disaf- 
fection, 3; conditions (1863), 
13; confidence, 57, 66; war 
prosperity, 65, 253; Sanitary 
Commission, 67 ; buoyancy 
(1865), 253; trade, and trans- 
portation, 253; crops, 254; 
wages and prices, 254; new 
resources, 255; utilization of 
inventions, 255; religion, 256; 
education, 256-258; extrava- 
gance, 258; extent of corrup- 
tion, 259; able administra- 
tion, 260; services of private 
citizens, 261; literature, 261- 

North American Review under 
Lowell, 268. 

North Anna battle, 99. 

North Carolina, and tithes, 19; 
military governor, 135; Scho- 
field and Sherman in, 236. 

Northrop, L. B., as commissary- 
general, 270-272. 

Northwest, rumor of separate 
confederacy, 4. 

Norton, C. E., edits North 
American Review, 268. 

Oberlin College, coeduca- 
tion, 257. 

Official Records of Union and 
Confederate armies, 3 14-3 1 8 ; 
of navies, 318; medical, 318. 

Ohio, Vallandigham case, 4-8; 


election of 1863, 9; Morgan's 
raid, 23. 

Olmstead, F. L., Sanitary Com- 
mission, 67, 261. 

Olustee battle, 78. 

Oneida, battle of Mobile Bay, 

Opdycke, Emerson, Franklin, 

Opequon Creek battle, 191. 
Orators, northern war - time, 

Ord, E. O. C, corps command- 
er, 42; sent to Louisiana, 42; 
assault on Petersburg, 294. 

Osterhaus, P. O., march to the 
sea, 205. 

Owens, S. O., teacher, 279. 

Pacific railroads, grants, 133. 

Palmer, J. M., Chickamauga, 
38; bibliography, 322. 

Paper money, amount of green- 
backs outstanding, 13, 131; 
national - bank notes au- 
thorized, 1 7 ; state-bank notes 
taxed, 17, 130, 224; Con- 
federate, 20, 21, 276-278; 
Federal compound - interest 
notes, 129; fractional cur- 
rency, 131; issue of green- 
backs checked, 131; green- 
backs in South, 278; bibliog- 
raphy, 312. 

Parke, J. G., assault on Peters- 
burg, 294. 

Parkman, Francis, on war, 305. 

Paymaster's department, north- 
ern, 259. 

Peace, Lincoln's conditions, 221, 
228; Blair's mission, 227; 
Hampton Conference, 228. 

Peach-Tree Creek battle, 120. 

Peirpoint, F. H., loyal govern- 
ment of Virginia, 134; claim 
to recognition, 225. 

Pemberton, J. C, and com- 
mand of Bragg's army, 46. 

Pendleton, G. H., on thirteenth 

amendment, 126, 222; nomi- 
nated for vice-president, 156. 
Pendleton, W. N., advises sur- 
render, 295; bibliography, 

Perry, L. J., work on War 
Records, 315. 

Petersburg, Butler refuses to 
attack, 96; importance, 96; 
failure of Federal attack, 102 ; 
mine, 104; continued Federal 
failures, 200 ; final assault, 294. 

Petroleum, development of in- 
dustry, 255. 

Phillips, Wendell, and Fre- 
mont convention (1864), 149; 
in war-time, 263. 

Pickett, G. E., Five Forks, 293. 

Piedmont battle, loi. 

Pillow, Fort, Forrest captures, 

Pleasant Hill battle, 80. 

Pleasants, Henry, Petersburg 
mine, 104. 

Plymouth, North Carolina, re- 
captured, 172. 

Politics. See Elections. 

Polk, Leonidas, and Bragg, 28; 
Chickamauga, first day, 32; 
attack on second day, 34; re- 
moved by Bragg, 45, 46; 
at Meridian, 106; in Atlanta 
campaign, 108; and attack at 
Cassville, 114; character, 116, 
280; confirms Hood, 116; 
baptizes Johnston, 117; kill- 
ed, 117; bibliography, 323. 

Pomeroy, S. C, and Chase's 
candidacy (1864), 147. 

Pope, John, command in Min- 
nesota, 82. 

Population, northern increase 
of voters (1860-1864), 221. 

Porter, D. D., Red River cam- 
paign, 78-81; attack on Fort 
Fisher, 235. 

Potter, R. B., Vallandigham 
court-martial, 5; Knoxville, 



Powell, Fort, 167; surrenders, 

Press, suppression of Chicago 
Times, 7 ; northern war-time, 
69; relations with command- 
ers, 69-7 1 ; southern war- 
time, 281; bibliography, 327. 

Prices and wages, northern war- 
time, 254; southern, 277. 

Prisoners of war, Anderson- 
ville, 240, 243-245; Grant re- 
fuses to exchange, 240, 243; 
still a tender subject, 241 ; lit- 
tle cause for criticism until 
1864, 242; no intentional ill- 
treatment, 242; rations, 242; 
hospitals, 243; Winder and 
Wirz, 245 ; treatment in 
North, 245, 246; ratio of mor- 
tality, 246; retaliation in 
North, 246; balance of re- 
proach, 247; and southern 
transportation, 275; bibliog- 
raphy, 316, 325. 

Privateersmen as pirates, 242. 

Property, war destruction of 
private, 177, 237-240. 

Provost -marshal's department, 
northern, 8, 259, 260; south- 
em, 272. 

Quartermaster's department, 
administration of northern, 
43, 260. 

Quintard, E. L., bibliography, 

Railroads, management in 
Atlanta campaign, 1 1 1 ; 
grants to Pacific, 133; north- 
em, during Civil War, 253; 
southem, 273-275. 

Ramseur, S. D., Opequon Creek, 
191 ; Cedar Creek, killed, 199. 

Ramsey, Alexander, in Senate, 

Randall, S. J., enters Congress, 
73 ; on thirteenth amend- 
ment, 127. 

Rappahannock, Confederate 

cruiser, 182. 
Rappahannock Station, affair 

at, 84. 

Raymond, H. J., as war editor, 
69 ; presents Republican plat- 
form (1864), 151. 

Read, C. W., career as com- 
merce-destrover, 181. 

Read, T. B., "Sheridan's Ride," 

Reaper invented, 255. 

Receipts, Federal (1864), 220, 

Reconstruction, problems, 123, 
133 ; military govemors, 133- 
135; loyal govemment of 
Virginia, 134; representation 
of seceding states, 134-136; 
loyal government of Louis- 
iana, 135; Lincoln's procla- 
mation, 135-137; reception of 
his policy, 137; theory of in- 
destructibility of states, 138; 
growing opposition in Con- 
gress, 139, 141; Davis's bill, 
139-141; theory of loss of 
rights, 140, 142; of executive 
incompetency, 140, 143; Lin- 
coln pockets Davis's bill, 
141; his proclamation on 
veto, 143 ; Wade-Davis mani- 
festo, 143; Lincoln supports 
loyal govemments, 225; 
Davis's renewed bill lost, 
226; loyal govemment of 
Louisiana not recognized, 
226; Lincoln and Virginia 
legislature, 300; Lincoln's 
last words on, 300-302. 

Red River campaign, prepara- 
tion, 77, 78; Federal dis- 
sension, 79; Confederate dis- 
sension, 79; failure, 79; dam- 
ming of river, 80. 

Reid, Whitelaw, as war corre- 
spondent, 69; on buming of 
Columbia, 235. 

Religion, Christian Commis- 
sion, 68; northem, in war- 


time, 256 ; southern, 279- 

Republican party, takes name 

Union party, 145, 151. See 

also Elections. 
Repudiation of southern debts 

and reconstruction, 140. 
Resaca battle, 113. 
Reynolds, J. J., Chickamauga, 

35, 38; teacher, 258. 
Rhodes, J. F., on treatment of 

prisoners of war, 241, 247; on 

cost of Civil War, 304. 
Richmond, Sheridan's raid, 99; 

increasing strait, 200, 289; 

evacuated, 294; Lincoln in, 


Ricketts, J. B., Cedar Creek, 

Riddle, A. G., bibliography, 

Riots, New York draft, 9; 
southern bread, 61. 

Roads, southern, during war- 
time, 274. 

Robert E. Lee, blockade-runner, 

Robertson, J. B., Knoxville ex- 
pedition, 55. 

Rodes, R. E., Opequon Creek, 
191 ; killed, 192. 

Rollins, J. S., on thirteenth 
amendment, 222. 

Rome Georgia, Federals capt- 
ure, 113. 

Ropes, J. C, on Thomas's force 
at Nashville, 211; on Sher- 
man's depredations, 237. 

Rosecrans, W. S., inactivity and 
wrangling, 2 5 ; character, 2 5 ; 
outmanoeuvres Bragg, 26; re- 
newed inactivity, 2 7 ; flanks 
Bragg out of Chattanooga, 
28-30; scatters forces, 30; 
concentrates under danger, 
3 1 ; Chickamauga, position 
and force, 32; first day, 32; 
council, 33; second day, 34- 
38; retreat to Chattanooga, 

38, 39, 44; displaced by 
Thomas, 43 ; command in Mis- 
souri, 82. 
Rosser, T. L., sent to Shenan- 
doah, 193; after Cedar Creek, 

Rousseau, L. H., and vice- 
presidential nomination, 153. 

Rubber, vxilcanization discov- 
ered, 255. 

Rush, Richard, Naval Records, 

Russell, D. A., under Sheridan, 
189; Opequon Creek, killed, 

Sabine Cross Roads battle, 80. 
Sacramento escapes Stonewall, 

Sailor's Creek battle, 295. 

St. Albans raid, 218. 

St. Paul's Church, Richmond, 

in war-time, 280. 
Salisbury, Stoneman captures, 


Sanders, Fort, attack on, 56. 

Sanitary Commission, 67 ; West- 
em, 68; and government de- 
partments, 68. 

Saulsbury, William, on thir- 
teenth amendment, 126. 

Savannah captured, 216. 

Saxe, J. G., in war-time, 262. 

Schenck, R. C, enters Congress, 

Schofield, J. M., commands 
Army of Ohio, 83 ; Atlanta 
campaign, force, 108; earlier 
career, 108; under Thomas 
in Nashville campaign, 210; 
confronts Hood, 211; Spring 
Hill, 212; Franklin, 212-214; 
arrives at Nashville, 214; 
battle of Nashville, 216; in 
North Carolina, 236; union 
with Sherman, 237; teacher, 
258; bibliography, 322. 

Schwab, J. C, on Confederate 
finances, 20, 21. 



Scofield, G. W., on thirteenth 
amendment , 222. 

Scott, R. N., work on War Rec- 
ords, 315. 

Sedgwick, John, in Virginia 
campaign, 86; Wilderness, 
89, 90; killed, 91. 

Selma battle, 236. 

Semmes, Raphael, career of 
Sumter, ly 5-1 y 7 ; 01 Alabama, 
178-180; bibliography, 312. 

Seward, W. H., on Federal suc- 
cesses (1864), 156; Hampton 
Conference, 228; and Lin- 
coln, 250; attempted assassi- 
nation, 303; bibliography, 

Sewing-machine invented, 255. 

Seymour, Horatio, as Copper- 
head, 8; and Lincoln, 8; and 
draft riots, 9 ; popular repudi- 
ation, 10; speech in Demo- 
cratic convention (1864), 155. 

Seymour, Truman, Florida 
campaign, 78. 

Shaw, R. G., killed before Fort 
Wagner, 24. 

Shellabarger, Samuel, not in 
Congress (1864), 72. 

Shenandoah, career, 183-185. 

Shenandoah Valley, Sigel's 
force (May, 1864), 86; his 
retreat, 94; Hunter's ad- 
vance, loi ; Confederate rein- 
forcement, 102; Hunter's re- 
treat, 102; Early's advance, 
103; pursuit of Early, 187; 
his renewed activity, 187; 
suggested Federal command- 
ers, 188; Sheridan commands, 
188; opposing forces, 189; 
Confederate guerillas, 189, 
193 ; campaign of destruction, 
189, 194, 238; alternate ad- 
vance and retreat, 190; Ope- 
quon Creek, 191; Fisher's 
Hill, 192; Confederates rein- 
forced, 193 ; reduction of Fed- 
eral force checked, 194; Cedar 

Creek, 195-199; final opera- 
tions, 199. 

Shepley, G. F., military gov- 
ernor, 135. 

Sheridan, P. H., Chickamauga, 
35, 39; Missionary Ridge, 53; 
commands Meade's cavalry, 
97; Wilderness, quarrel with 
Meade, 98; raid around Lee, 
98, 99; Trevilian's Station, 
102; commands in Shenan- 
doah Valley, 188; subordi- 
nates, 188; force, 189; de- 
struction of Valley, 189, 194, 
238; advance and retreat, 
190; Opequon Creek, 191; 
Fisher's Hill, 192; reduction 
of force checked, 194; goes 
to Washington, 195; Cedar 
Creek, 197-199; final Val- 
ley operations, 199; rejoins 
Grant, 293; Five Forks, 293; 
and Warren, 293; in pursuit 
of Lee, 295; bibliography, 

Sherman, John, and national- 
banks act, 1 7 ; and war finan- 
ces, 132, 224; on immigration 
act (1864), 133; bibliography, 

Sherman, W. T., commands 
Army of Tennessee, 4 5 ; march 
to Chattanooga, 45, 49; posi- 
tion there, 50; battle, 51, 53; 
and charity commissions, 68; 
commands Division of Mis- 
sissippi, 75; and Grant, 75; 
force confronting Johnston, 
83, 108; advice to Grant, 83; 
Meridian expedition, 106; 
task in Atlanta campaign, 
107; character, 109; line of 
communication, no - 112; 
119; advance, 112; Dalton, 
112; Resaca, 113; Rome, 
113; desire for battle, 114; 
Cassville, 114; New Hope 
Church, 114; apparent lack 
of success, 115, 118; Kene- 


saw Mountain, 115-117; and 
removal of Johnston, 119; 
battles before Atlanta, 120; 
Stoneman's raid, 121; at- 
tempt to cut off Atlanta, 121; 
occupies Atlanta, 201 ; depop- 
ulates it, 202; Hood on his 
communications, 203; plans 
march to the sea, 204; force 
and equipment, 205 ; devasta- 
tion, 206-208, 217; unim- 
peded march, 208; and 
negroes, 209; at Milledge- 
ville, 209; and Thomas's 
force, 210, 211; presents 
Atlanta to Lincoln, 216; pre- 
pares for Carolina march, 
232; attitude towards South 
Carolina, 233 ; in South Caro- 
lina, 234; and burning of 
Columbia, 234; in North Car- 
'olina, 236; Bentonville, 236; 
union with Schofield, 237; 
depredations considered, 237- 
240; conference with Grant, 
293 ; Johnston convention, 
297; bibliography, 322. 

Shipping, effect of Confederate 
cruisers, 174, 179; southern 
lack, 273. 

Sigel, Franz, command in the 
Valley, 86; failure, 94. 

Sill, J. W., killed at Murfrees- 
boro, 258; teacher, 258. 

Silver discovered, 255. 

Slaves, and Sherman's march, 
209; behavior during Civil 
War, 284-288; bibliography, 
311. See also Emancipation, 

Slocum, H. W., sent West, 42; 
at Atlanta, 201 ; march to the 
sea, 205, 208; on burning of 
Columbia, 234; in Carolina 
march, 236. 

Smalley, G. W., as war corre- 
spondent, 69. 

Smith, A. J., Red River cam- 
paign, 78-80; command in 

Missouri, 202; ordered to join 
Thomas, 210; Nashville, 215, 

Smith, C. B., resigns, 162. 

Smith, E. K., on barter, 21; 
Red River campaign, 79; 
surrenders, 297. 

Smith, W. F., and opening of 
Chattanooga supply line, 47; 
under Butler, 94, 96; Cold 
Harbor, 100. 

Social conditions, southern war- 
time, 58-61; Sanitary Com- 
mission, 67-69; war-time 
press, 69-7 1 ; immigration 
act (1864), 133; luxury in 
North, 258; extent of corrup- 
tion, 259; able and honest 
administrators, 260; public 
services of private men, 260; 
southern women, 282-284; 
bibliography of southern, 
326. See also Education, 
Literature, Religion, Slaves. 

Songs and ballads, bibliog- 
raphy of war-time, 313, 314. 

Sources on Civil War, songs and 
ballads, 313-314; Official 
Records of armies, 314-318; 
of navies, 318; medical and 
surgical, 318; reports of Com- 
mittee on Conduct of War, 
318; civil documents, 319; 
state documents, 320; non- 
official collections, 320; mili- 
tary reminiscences, 321-323; 
civil reminiscences, 323-325; 
narratives of personal expe- 
rience, 325-327; newspapers, 

South, continued spirit of re- 
sistance (1863), 23; war con- 
ditions in country, 58, 276; 
in towns, 59; of aristocracy, 
59-61; scarcity, 61; develop- 
ment of industries, 62-64, 
276; devotion to cause, 64; 
despairs of success, 269, 288, 
289; commerce, 273; rail- 



roads, 274; paper money, 
276-278; education, 278; re- 
ligion, 279-281; social life, 
281; literature, 281; spirit of 
women, 282-284; conduct of 
slaves, 284-288; and death 
of Lincoln, 304. See also 
Confederate, Emancipation, 
Reconstruction . 

South Carolina, delegates to Re- 
publican convention (1864), 
151; attitude of Sherman's 
army towards, 233; Sher- 
man's march through, 234. 

Spaulding, E. G., and national- 
banks act, 17; leaves Con- 
gress, 72. 

Speculation, war-time, in South, 

Speed, James, attorney-general, 

Spottsylvania Court House 
battle, 91-93. 

Sprague, William, in Senate, 74. 

Spring Hill, Schofield eludes 
Hood, 212. 

Springfield, Illinois, Copperhead 
convention, 8; Lincoln con- 
vention, II. 

Stanley, D. S., Nashville cam- 
paign, 210; Franklin, 212. 

Stanley, Edward, military gov- 
ernor, 135. 

Stanton, E. M., and Rosecrans, 
25, 27; meets Grant, 43; 
character, 249; and Sher- 
man, 297; bibliography, 324. 

Stedman, Fort, Confederate at- 
tack, 292. 

Steedman, J. B., battle of 
Nashville, 215, 216. 

Steele, Frederick, command in 
Arkansas, 42 ; Red River 
campaign, 78. 

Stephens, A. H., Hampton Con- 
ference, 228; bibliography, 

Stevens, Thaddeus, bibliogra- 
phy, 324. 

Stewart, A. P., Nashville cam- 
paign, 210. 

Stoneman, George, raid in 
Georgia, captured, 121; raid 
on Salisbury, 236. 

Stonewall, Confederate ram, 

Stowe, Harriet B., in war-time, 

Stuart, J. E. B., Wilderness, 
98; Sheridan sent against, 
98 ; Yellow Tavern, 98 ; killed, 
99; bibliography, 323. 

Suffrage, Lincoln on negro, 301. 

Sumner, Charles, and Lincoln's 
reconstruction policy, 137; 
and loyal government of 
Louisiana, 227; and Long- 
fellow, 265; bibliography, 

Sumter, career, 176, 177. 
Sumter, Fort, reduced to ruins, 

2 5 ; ceremonious flag-raising, 


Supreme Court, Chase chief- 
justice, 161. 

Swinton, William, as war cor- 
respondent, 70. 

Tacony as commerce-destroyer, 

Tariff, estimated revenue 
(1864), 128; act of 1864, 130; 
actual revenue (1864), 220; 
act of 1865, 224; bibliog- 
raphy, 312. 

Taxation, Confederate, 19. See 
also Internal revenue. Tariff. 

Taylor, Bayard, in war-time, 

Taylor, Richard, Reel River 
campaign, 79; Alabama com- 
mand, 203; on Wirz, 245; 
despairs, 269; on southern 
transportation, 275; sur- 
renders, 297; bibliography, 

Tecumseh, monitor, 168; stink 
in Mobile Bay, 169. 


Tennessee, Confederate plan to 
invade (1864), 107; military 
governor, 134; abolishes sla- 
very, 223. 

Tennessee, Confederate ram, 
167; battle of Mobile Bay, 
170, 171. 

Terry, A. H., captures Fort 
Fisher, 235. 

Texas, Banks's campaign 
(1863), 77. 

Thirteenth amendment, intro- 
duced in House, 124; failure 
there, 125; introduced in 
Senate, 125; debate, 125; 
passage in Senate, 126; Sen- 
ate resolution in House, 126; 
renewed failure, 127; motion 
to reconsider entered, 127; 
as campaign issue, 127, 150- 
152; Lincoln advocates, 143, 
220; renewed in House, 221; 
debate there, 222; passes 
House, 222; ratification, 222. 

Thobum, Joseph, Cedar Creek, 
killed, 196. 

Thomas, G. H., in campaign 
before Chickamauga, 28, 29; 
Chickamauga, first day, 3 2 ; 
advice in council, 33 ; second 
day, 34, 38; supersedes Rose- 
crans in command, 43 ; posi- 
tion of force at Chattanooga, 
44, 50; opening of supply line, 
47; Missionary Ridge, 51- 
53 ; under Sherman, 83 ; force 
in Atlanta campaign, 108; 
Peach-Tree Creek, 120; and 
march to the sea, 204; force 
for Nashville campaign, 210; 
sends Schofield to delay 
Hood, 211; accused of slug- 
gishness, 215; Logan sent to 
supersede, 215 ; concentration 
of force, 215; battle of Nash- 
ville, 215; bibliography, 322. 

Tithe, southern agricultural, 19. 

Todd's Tavern, cavalry battle, 

Toombs, Robert, bibliography, 

Torbert, A. T. A., Fisher's Hill, 

Transportation. See Railroads, 
Roads, Shipping. 

Trumbull, Lyman, and sup- 
pression of Chicago Times, 7 ; 
reports thirteenth amend- 
ment, 125, 126; and loyal 
government of Louisiana, 

Tyler, John, bibliography, 325. 

Union army, opposition to 
conscription, 8, 9; Sanitary 
Commission, 67-69; Chris- 
tian Commission, 68 ; and the 
press, 69-7 1 ; lieutenant-gen- 
eral, 74; re-enlistment, 75; 
enforcement of draft, 76, 224; 
negro soldiers, 76; character 
of recruits ( 1864) ,76; strength 
(May, 1864), 81; distribu- 
tion, 82; cavalry, 97; provi- 
sion for bounties, 129; ad- 
ministration, 259, 260; ser- 
vices of private citizens, 260; 
bibliography, 311, 313, 325; 
Official Records, 314-318; 
non - official collections of 
sources, 320. See also cam- 
paigns and commanders by 

Union men, suppression, 18. 

Union navy, blockade, 163- 
166; size, 185; number of 
prizes, 185 ; importance, 185; 
bibliography, 312; Official 
Records, 318. See also battles 
and commanders by name. 

Upton, Emory, Spottsylvania, 
92; bibliography, 322. 

Usher, J. P., secretary of in- 
terior, 162. 

Vallandigham, C. L., speech 
at Mount Vernon, 4 ; trial by 
court-martial, 5, 7; illegality 



of trial, 5-7; Lincoln's atti- 
tude, 6, 7, 10, 11; sentence, 
7 ; public indignation, 7 ; cam- 
paign for governor, 8, 10; 
in Democratic convention 
(1864), 155; draughts plat- 
form, 156. 
Van Cleve, H. P., Chickamauga, 

Vetoes, Lincoln's reconstruc- 
tion, 142. 

Virginia, loyal government, 134, 
225 ; delegates to Republican 
convention (1864), 151. 

Virginia campaign (1S64), Fed- 
eral force, 86; Confederate 
force, 87; Federal advance, 
88; Grant and Meade, 88; 
Wilderness, 88-91; Spottsyl- 
vania, 91-93; Grant con- 
tinues flanking movement, 
93 ; failure of Valley move- 
ment, 94; Butler's command, 
94; his failure, 95-97; Sheri- 
dan's raid, 97-99; North 
Anna River, 99; on field of 
"Seven Days," 100; Cold 
Harbor, 100; Federal losses, 
10 1 ; crossing of the James, 
loi ; Hunter's Valley cam- 
paign, loi ; failure before Pe- j 
tersburg, 102; Early's raid to ! 
Washington, 103 ; Peters- j 
burg mine, 104; loss of: 
Federal morale, 105 ; Sheri- | 
dan's Valley campaign, 105, j 
188-200; cause of Federal; 
failure, 105, 186; analogy to j 
Atlanta campaign, 113, 119;! 
continued failure before Pe- 1 
tersburg, 200; Confederate i 
strait, 200; forces (March, ! 
1865), 292; Fort Stedman, I 
292; Five Forks, 293; occu- I 
pation of Petersburg, 294; 
pursuit of Lee, 294; Lee's 
surrender, 293-297; Confed- 
erate losses in final campaign, 
295; Federal losses, 297. 

Wachuset and Florida, 182. 
W^addell, I. T., career in 

SJiefiandoah, 183-185. 
Wade, B. F., and Davis's re- 
construction bill, 141; mani- 
festo, 143; and loyal govern- 
ment of Louisiana, 227; and 
Virginia legislature, 300. 
Wadsworth, J. S., Wilderness, 

killed, 91. 
Wages and prices, northern 

war-time, 254. 
Wagner, Fort, attack, 24. 
I Wallace, Lew, command in 
Maryland, 82 ; Monocacy, 
103; bibhography, 323. 
War powers, extent, 123. 142. 
See also Arbitrary arrests, 
Ward, Artemus, See Browne 
(C. F.). 

Warren, G. K., Bristoe Station, 
84; in Virginia campaign, 86; 
Wilderness, 89, 90; Five 
Forks, removed from com- 
mand, 293. 
Washbume, E. B., and lieu- 
tenant-generalship, 74. 
Washington, threatened by 

Early, 103. 
Weed, Thurlow, bibliography, 

Weitzel, Godfrey, occupies Rich- 
mond, 294. 
West Point, bibliography, 313. 
West Virginia, Federal force 
(May, 1864), 86; Federal ad- 
vance, 94; admitted, 134. 
Western Sanitary Commission, 

Wheeler, Joseph, Knoxville ex- 
pedition, 48; and Sherman's 
march, 209; bibliography, 

Whittier, J. G., in war-time, 265. 
Wilderness battle, 88-91; losses, 

Williams, A. S., march to the 
sea, 205. 


Wilmington captured, 236. 

Wilson, Henry, and Lincoln's 
reconstruction policy, 137. 

Wilson, J. H., as cavalry of- 
ficer, 97; before Petersburg, 
103; sent West, 209; Grant's 
confidence in, 209; in Nash- 
ville campaign, 210; Frank- 
lin, 212; battle of Nashville, 
216; pursuit of Hood, 216; 
defeats Forrest, 236. 

Winder, J. H., and Anderson- 
ville, 245. 

Wirz, Henry, and Anderson- 
ville, 245; hanged, 245. 

Women, southern, during Civil 
War, 282-284. 

Wood, T. J., Chickamauga, 35, 

Woods, R. H., Naval Records, 

Wright, George, command on 

Pacific coast, 82. 
Wright, H. G., pursuit of Early, 

187; under Sheridan, 188; 

Fisher's Hill, 193; left in 

command, 195; Cedar Creek, 

wounded, 196, 197; capture 

of PeterslDurg, 294. 
Wright, M. J., work on War 

Records, 315. 
Wright, W. W., and Sherman's 

line of communication, iii, 


Yale University during Civil 

War, 257. 
Yancey, W. L., bibliography, 


Yeatman, J. E., patriotic work, 

Yellow Tavern battle, 98.